Ed Noor: Remember that this legislation will be written by Jewish
power. The creation of such a book sets a blueprint and legitimizes these
crimes against humanity. The Jewish way is not the humane way; it is, by
following the letter of their own Talmudic Noahide Laws, a legal document legalizing
and justifying further murder of the gentile both directly and through
instigation of terrorism potentially leading to large scale combat.
Remember also, the deadliest of the gangsters, the old nasties, the ones we do not hear about since all media focus is on the Italians, was a group known as Murder Inc, all top level Jewish mobsters considered by most Jews to be “good Jewish boys” in their own community.
In
one sense the Obama administration's reported creation of a “playbook”
establishing rules for killing alleged terrorists helps to
meet calls from outside commentators ~this one included ~ to clarify the
criteria that are being applied to such assassinations.
Writing this kind of manual, however, has another side.It represents the institutionalization of worldwide assassinations as a regular, ongoing business of the United States government.
As
such it raises larger questions, which the playbook might not address at all,
of how an assassination program does or does not conform with the pursuit of
U.S. national interests.
Institutionalization
of anything entails a bias toward its indefinite continuation, and maybe even
its expansion. This tendency has often been discussed regarding other
government programs, sometimes with a tie-in to what is outside government.
The
military-industrial complex about which Eisenhower warned, for example,
represents a bias toward big defense expenditures and military operations to
justify such expenditures.
Likewise,
it has often been remarked that creation of a bureaucracy to run domestic
program X immediately creates a vested interest in favor of continuing and even
expanding program X.
Why
should such tendencies not be just as likely to appear with an assassination
program?
The
Washington Post's story about
the manual leads with the news not only that the manual is near completion but
also that it will not be applied for a year or two to drone strikes in
Pakistan. Thus what is considered short-term and exceptional is limited to what
is going on now in Pakistan. By implication and contrast, all of the other
worldwide assassinations constitute something regular and long-term, and, so
far as we know, limitless in both duration and geographic scope.
The Talmud Terrorist ~ drawn by a Jew
Lest we forget, it was not all that long ago that Americans and their presidents considered assassinations sufficiently contrary to American values that we should rule them out, as Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter and Ronald Reagan all did by executive order.
What
has changed since then to erase this determination?
Oh,
there's 9/11 of course, although the unraveling of the prohibition on
assassinations actually began (with Osama bin Laden in particular in mind) a
few years before 9/11. And even if it were all about 9/11, why should the fact
that one bunch of terrorists hit a high-casualty jackpot be a reason for us to
change our thinking on this subject in such an apparently fundamental way?
Regarding morality, since this was originally a matter of consistency with American values, have our values really changed that much?
Regarding
legality, is there no limit to which that one resolution authorizing force that
Congress passed in the emotional week after 9/11 be stretched in terms of
either duration or geographic scope?
It is also interesting that this soon-to-be-completed document is referred to as a “playbook.”
In
football, a playbook is a very tactical manual that organizes the quick
thinking that coaches and players have to do on each play. If you see the
opponent lining up a certain way, you can draw on the playbook for a play that
has a chance to work well over the next 30 seconds. But the playbook doesn't
provide any help in bigger decisions with larger and longer term consequences,
such as whether to leave your injured star quarterback in the game.
.
.
A manual on eliminating goyim whilst pleasing G-d published a few years ago:It flew off the shelves in Israel, read by the people who have re-approved Bibi Netanyahu, mass murderer, for another term in office
Similarly, having a playbook on assassinations sounds like it is apt to be a useful guide for making the quick decision whether to pull the trigger on a Hellfire missile when a suspected terrorist is in the sights of a drone.
Similarly, having a playbook on assassinations sounds like it is apt to be a useful guide for making the quick decision whether to pull the trigger on a Hellfire missile when a suspected terrorist is in the sights of a drone.
But
it probably will not, as far as we know, be of any help in weighing larger
important issues such as whether such a killing is likely to generate more
future anti-U.S. terrorism because of the anger over collateral casualties than
it will prevent by taking a bad guy out of commission.
By routinizing and institutionalizing a case-by-case set of criteria, there is even the hazard that officials will devote less deliberation than they otherwise would have to such larger considerations because they have the comfort and reassurance of following a manual.
Criticism
about the standards for conducting the drone strikes has been not just about
having clear criteria, but having criteria that are known to someone other than
those in the executive branch who are carrying out the assassination program.
Senator
Ron Wyden (D-OR), to his credit, has led the complaining about this subject. In
a recent letter to John Brennan he noted that the legal justifications involved
are still inaccessible not only to the public but even to the Congressional
intelligence committees.
So
we have the worst of two different directions that administration of the
assassination program could go.
On
one hand there is an institutionalization of the program that threatens to make
it as firmly entrenched a function of the U.S. government as Social Security.
On
the other hand is a continued opacity that precludes the kind of informed and
meaningful debate that ~ because American values are involved ~ would be
necessary to determine whether indefinite continuation of the program is
something the United States really ought to do.
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