Ismail Haniya after he
denounced his former patron, Bashar al-Assad, and threw Hamas' support to the
Syrian opposition (Khaled Elfiqi/European Pressphoto)
February 25, 2012
Hamas, which made its
home in Syria for well over a decade, has finally turned on its former master,
Bashar al-Assad. Hamas’ senior Gaza leader, Ismail Haniya, threw his
support to the Syrian opposition:
A leader of Hamas spoke
out against President Bashar al-Assad of Syria on Friday, throwing its support
behind the opposition and stripping Damascus of what little credibility it may
have retained with the Arab street. It was Hamas’s first public break with its
longtime patron.
Hamas’s prime minister in
Gaza, Ismail Haniya, said during Friday Prayer, “I salute all people of the
Arab Spring, or Islamic winter, and I salute the Syrian people who seek
freedom, democracy and reform.”
The worshipers shouted
back, “God is great” and “Syria! Syria!”
It’s important to note as well that Haniya spoke these words at Cairo’s Al Azhar mosque and they reaffirm Hamas’ bonds with the Muslim Brotherhood, which recently became the political powerbrokers in the new democratic Egypt.
As the sun sets on
Syria’s Assad it rises with the Egyptian brothers.
There is no love for Iran
in the ranks of the Egyptian Islamists. Not even for Hezbollah, Syria’s proxy
in Lebanon.
It’s also telling that
Haniya is in Cairo for major meetings between the Hamas leadership and Abbas’
forces. They will be attempting to move the unity deal, announced a few weeks
ago by Meshal and Abbas, forward.
If the unity deal works
(a big “if”), it will indicate that the Palestinians have given up on
negotiations with Israel under U.S. aegis. It will mean they see their
best shot at pressing forward with their national struggle as a united front.
Perhaps it might thus be easier to gain support in the international
arena through the UN Security Council or General Assembly for statehood.
So it appears that Hamas
is embarking on a rough voyage that may take it to destinations it could never
have foreseen even a few months ago. It will sail away from what had been
protective home harbors and seek new anchorages in unlikely perhaps even forbidding
places.
This is also important
statement for another important reason: how it relates to Iran’s ongoing firm
support for al-Assad. There is, as yet, no indication of any weakening in
Iranian support. And it is also known as a strong supporter of Hamas.
In fact, Haniya recently returned from a trip to Iran, where both sides
reaffirmed in the most militant terms their strong support for each other.
One has to ask what
exactly is going on here.
Is Hamas striking out on
its own without the blessing of Iran? Or has Iran tacitly or explicitly
told Hamas that renouncing support for the Syrian regime is acceptable to it?
While Hamas’ abandonment of Assad means little inside Syria or in the
west, it marks a strong departure within the Arab and Muslim world.
It means that the number
of such states that are hanging with Assad has dwindled to one, Iran. It
may have some indirect impact on Russia’s and China’s support for him since
they would prefer to be supporting a regime that has at least some support in
the Arab world.
Another question I’ve
been asking is precisely what is going on behind the scenes within Hamas.
There have been
indications of discord between the Gaza wing and the Hamas exiles who
previously were based in Damascus. Khaled Meshal recently negotiated a unity deal with
Mahmoud Abbas that would make the latter the transitional president until
elections were held:
Hamas leader-in-exile
Meshaal, with close ties to Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, sees it as a time for
accommodation rather than confrontation, together with subtle policy
adjustments to end Hamas’s isolation.
There was a
mini-rebellion among the Gaza rank and file. Mahmoud Zahar, in
particular, denounced the deal:
Al-Zahar, a senior Hamas
figure in Gaza seen as a hardliner by Fatah, described Meshaal’s agreement with
Abbas as a “mistake.” Zahar clashed with Meshaal late last year when the
exiled leader advocated giving Abbas more time to pursue his peacemaking with
Israel.
Subsequently, some in
Gaza walked that disagreement back and said it wasn’t what it appeared.
But there have been no recent announcements or moves that showed the
unity deal was progressing. So it’s hard to tell whether it’s in the deep
freeze or whether it is still viable.
In the past few months,
Meshal announced that he would step down from his post as head of the
movement’s Politburo. This move seemed to correspond to a softening in
Meshal’s positions regarding armed conflict and rejection of Israel’s
existence. In statements made over that period, the leader has been
willing to embrace the type of non-violent resistance seen in Tunisia and Egypt
that toppled regimes. He’s also made increasingly explicit calls for a
negotiated settlement that returned Israel to 1967 borders, without mentioning
that this would be a temporary arrangement or a hudna or tahdiya.
In fact, the last time
Meshal went to Iran I was astonished that his message about the Israel-Palestine
conflict was so at odds with that of his hosts. It appeared at the time
that Meshal was deliberately distancing himself from the militancy of the
Iranian position. No doubt, that is why Haniya went to Iran this time.
The Ayatollahs preferred not to be upstaged and embarrassed in their own
backyard by a Palestinian leader who wasn’t on the same page.
It would appear that Meshal may be wearying of the
unending conflict and bloodletting. Of course, there are
many in Hamas who continue to have the stomach for armed struggle and retain a
faith that the movement will liberate Palestine from the “river to the sea.”
It is too early to see
where this is going and which tendency will win out in the end. But
“something is happening here, and we don’t know what it is,” to quote
the old Dylan standard.
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