By Christof Lehmann.
October 27, 2012
After 19 months
of violent conflict in Syria, a feasible solution seems farther removed than
ever. The influx of fundamentalist Salafist or Wahabist fighters which have
been streaming to Syria since the failure of two major Free Syrian Army
assaults on Aleppo in June and July 2012 made it increasingly difficult to
build a coherent and credible Syrian political and military opposition among
the proponents of regime-change.
The
international anti Syrian alliance has difficulties in identifying a political
or military opposition that could be used as an argument for regime change.
The
Turkish-Syrian conflict risks to spiral out of control with potentially
catastrophic consequences for Syria, Turkey, Lebanon and the region. After the
violence has begun spreading into Turkey and Lebanon, increasing the risk of a
regional war with potentially global bearing, the containment of the crisis is
becoming increasingly difficult.
The
international community is as divided as the Syrian opposition. The pressure is
on all sides to resolve the crisis. Opinions about how to solve the crisis
differ widely. The article offers the necessary analysis, suggests possible
solutions and the potential consequences of a protracted and widening conflict.
THE POLITICAL AND MILITARY SPECTRUM OF THE SYRIA DISCOURSE.
The primary precondition for resolving the crisis in Syria implicit its national, international and regional dynamics is the understanding of the constituents of the political and military discourse.
That is, the current Syrian government and a peaceful domestic political opposition, the predominantly foreign backed political and militant opposition, the international backers of the pro-regime-change opposition, the United Nations, the Arab League, and the dynamics of their interplay with one another.
THE NATIONAL COUNCIL OF SYRIA. (NCS)
The NCS was
constituted by several hundred Syrian nationals who predominantly belong to the
Syrian expatriate community. Due to claims of anonymous members its actual
strength could never be verified. The NCS was formed in Ankara, Turkey, with
the support of the Turkish AKP government of Prime Minister R. Tayyip Erdogan.
An investigation
into the background of the known members published in an article that was
written shortly after the NCS was constituted in 2011 indicated a strong
foreign influence. According to this investigation the majority of the NCS´s
founding members had close ties to the National Endowment for Democracy, Reagan
Fascell Fellowships, and other organizations that indicated a strong influence
of US American intelligence services and political lobbies with ties to Henry
Kissinger and Associates and the security adviser to several US
Administrations, Zbigniev Brzezinski. 1
The NCS intended
to constitute itself as representative for all opposition movements, including
Muslim Brothers, Kurdish factions, the secular left and right, intellectuals
and dissidents. Already during the official constitution in Ankara in 2011 it
was plagued by strong ideological divisions. Even though, on the day it was
constituted it demanded to be recognized as the sole representative of the
people of the Syrian Arab Republic and as government de
jure. It is today almost exclusively representative of the Syrian Muslim
Brotherhood.
According to
evaluations by the Danish Middle East Specialist Erik Mohn, the NCS has lost
most of its support from Turkey´s AKP government and other western governments
who began focusing their support on the Free Syrian Army (FSA) after the NCS
failed to constitute itself as the political leadership of the armed opposition
and as an organization that could represent a united political opposition. The
influence and the activity level of the NCS are today very low. The latest blog
entry on its official website dates back to 9. Maj 2012. 2.
THE REVOLUTIONARY COUNCIL OF SYRIA (RCS)
The
Revolutionary Council of Syria, RCS, is an offshoot of the National Council of
Syria NCS. The RCS was constituted in August 2012 in Egypt and it is led by its
founder, the Syrian dissident Haitham al Maleh. Al Maleh claimed to have
seventy high profile members of the opposition against the Baath Party
Government of President Bashar Al-Assad behind him, but these claims have not
been substantiated.
The RCS is by
many perceived as a symptom of a lack of convergence between the interests of
Turkey´s AKP government of P.M. R. Tayyip Erdogan and the Egyptian Muslim
Brotherhood led government of Egypt´s President Mursi. While RCS leader
al-Maleh is making claims that he is working pragmatically and on the basis, he
is based in Egypt, which leads many FSA commanders to also describe him as an
opportunist. The political activity level and influence of the RCS is very
limited.
THE FREE SYRIAN ARMY. (FSA)
The Free Syrian Army (FSA) was constituted by deserted officers and troops of the Syrian military during the summer of 2011. Its official commander is Colonel Rias al-Assad, but the FSA failed to establish an actual central or general command structure. The FSA initially claimed that its function was to protect peaceful protesters from the military forces of the Syrian government.
In a number of well documented cases however, members of the FSA attacked peaceful protesters, blaming the shooting on the regular Syrian military. Some of these crimes have been committed in collusion with journalists from Al-Jazeera and led to the expulsions of Al-Jazeera journalists from Syria.
Although the FSA
remained unsuccessful in recruiting a significant number of deserters from the
Syrian military forces, it succeeded in recruiting a large number of Syrian,
Turkish, Egyptian and Qatari Muslim Brothers. By early June 2012, prior to the
two major campaigns to secure Aleppo, the FSA had no more than 3.000 Syrian
core members, but it had been significantly reinforced by members of the Libyan
Islamic Fighting Group and major contingents of other foreign fighters. Its
total strength in early June 2012 was estimated at approximately 70.000 troops
plus a yet unknown number of Turkish, US American, British, Qatari and Saudi
Special Forces.
Recruitment of
foreign fighters was and is still organized through refugee camps in Turkey. The
Workers´Party of Turkey has filed criminal charges against the AKP government
of R. Tayyip Erdogan. 3. Prior to June the Military Intelligence Service of
Turkey was also reported to have an intelligence room and recruitment office on
Mekkha Street in the city of Amman, Jordan.4.
Failure to
establish a general command structure resulted in the establishment of regional
warlords who fought for the control of smaller villages or districts of major
cities like Aleppo, Idlib, Homs and villages at the outskirts of Damascus.
The failure to
establish a general command and a high number of untrained and undisciplined
volunteers are most likely the primary causes for many of the massacres,
pillaging, summary executions that have been documented since the establishment
of the FSA.
The influx of
Salafist fighters from the Al-Qaeda associated Libyan Islamic Fighting Group
has most likely aggravated the uncontrolled violence. Furthermore, the fact
that many leading commanders of the FSA disputed the political role of the
National Council of Syria, calling them opportunists, and the fact that the
Free Syrian Army was struggling with local warlords, political disputes weakened
the political and military credibility and strength of both the NCS and the
FSA.
THE DEFEAT OF THE FREE SYRIAN ARMY IN JUNE AND JULY.
In June and July
two major military campaigns of the FSA failed to emulate the strategy that had
been successfully applied in Libya. To secure Aleppo as a military stronghold
and seat of a transitional government which could quasi legitimately call on
allied nations to assist with the implementation of a “No-Fly-Zone” or a
military intervention.
Within this
context it is noteworthy that the U.S. Permanent Representative to NATO, Ivo H.
Daalder, and NATO`s Supreme Allied Commander Europe and Commander of the U.S.
European Command James G. Stavridis; published an article in the March-April
issue of Foreign Affairs, in which they called NATO´s Operation Unified
Protector in Libya in 2011 a “teachable moment and a model for future
interventions“.5 The article and its consequences with regards to
modern NATO military doctrine, international law and Syria have been analyzed
in a previous article by the author. 6
The NATO model
for future interventions failed in Syria with the failure of the FSA to secure
Aleppo as the seat for a transitional government.
Lack of
coordination in the campaign against Aleppo has devastating consequences for
the FSA who suffered significant and in fact decisive losses in Aleppo, after
which the Syrian military could begin focusing on fighting down the isolated
warlords in Homs, Idlib, and at the outskirts of Damascus. After the defeat and
heavy casualties many Syrian as well as foreign volunteers gave up the fight.
In fact many were seeking to realign themselves with the Syrian government
after witnessing the massive war crimes and human rights abuses that had been
committed by FSA fighters and in particular by the foreign reinforcements.
The FSA was
heavily criticized by human rights organizations. Even Human Rights Watch,
which is widely criticized for selective monitoring and reporting of war crimes
and human rights abuses in Libya and Syria has sharply criticized the FSA.
THE SALAFIST ~ WAHABIST FIGHTERS IN SYRIA
After the defeat
of the FSA in June ~July 2012, the military offensive to topple the government
de jure of Syria would have stagnated, and most likely a peaceful resolution to
the conflict would have been achieved, had it not been for a significant influx
of fighters from a cohort of predominantly Saudi Arabia and Qatar backed
Salafist or Wahabist organizations.
Many of these organizations
have direct or indirect ties to both Al-Qaeda and the Afghani and Pakistani
Taliban. Details about many of these organization’s contributions to the
conflict are detailed in the report, Tentative Jihad: Syria’s Fundamentalist
Opposition, which was issued by the International Crisis Group on 12. October
2012. 7
What the report of the International Crisis Group, which is funded by the self-proclaimed philanthropist, philosopher and multi billionaire George Soros, fails to elicit is, that the majority of the funding, training and arming of these groups is provided by Saudi Arabia.
Already in
September 2011 the article Syria NATO and the Modified Chechnyan Model revealed
that Russian and Syrian intelligence services had intercepted communications
that indicated that Al Qaeda´s Omar Brigade, which is financed by Saudi Arabia
and under the supervision of the Saudi Ministry of the Interior had been
deployed to Syria. 8
Wahabi, or Salafi organizations represent a convergence of German World War II Fascism and a totalitarian and radical interpretation of Islam under the protectorate of the Royal Family of Saudi Arabia.
While Salafist
extremists have been present and active since the onset of the conflict, the
significant influx after July 2012 has also significantly changed the military
and political landscape.
The fact that
the FSA never had established a coherent command structure into which the
influx of Jihadis could be integrated worsened the incoherence of the armed
opposition. The fact of the matter is that the armed opposition has degenerated
into a cohort of small units, many of which claim their particular turf as
liberated Caliphate. Many of them are laying claim on political power in their
micro enclaves or in post-subversion Syria.
The subsequent
and drastic increase in summary executions, beheadings, and anarchy under the
banner of a perverted form of Sharia has in fact been extremely counterproductive
for the opposition at large.
Fearing that
their country is being overrun by Salafist extremists, imported from
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Libya, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, as well as
France, the UK, and other European countries, many Syrians are giving up the
armed struggle. Others are realigning themselves with the Syrian military and
the government de jure of the Syrian Arab Republic.
On 28 September
the prominent FSA commander Captain Khaled Abdel Rahman al-Zamel, accompanied
by ten other FSA officers, took part in a conference of the National
Coordination Committee for Democratic Change, NCC, which is seeking a Syrian
solution to the crisis and which is tolerant of the Baath Party and President
al-Assad.
The article
Washington´s Salafist Quagmire in Syria describes how the development is not
only weakening the military opposition and making it increasingly difficult to
unite a credible, functional and presentable political opposition, it is also
developing into a public relations problem for the US Administration and other
proponents of regime change. 9
THE KURDISH MINORITIES IN SYRIA.
Both the Turkish
Kurds represented by the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) and the PKK affiliated
Syrian Democratic Union Party, which has a strong political influence in the
predominantly ethnic Kurdish regions of Syria are determined to prevent the
spreading of the bloodshed and massacres committed by the FSA and Salafist
extremists to the Kurdish areas.
The Democratic
Union Party and the PKK yield a sufficiently strong influence to resist the FSA
and the affiliated Salafist militia. As in other parts of Syria there are small
pockets of FSA and Salafist fighters in the Kurdish regions, and there are
incidents related to arms and troops trafficking via the Syrian border.
However, the Kurdish Fractions and the Syrian military are keeping the region
relatively calm.
Some western
media, first and foremost the government controlled TV stations, are making
unsubstantiated claims that the Kurdish populations and the parties are eager
to cooperate with the subversion and that they are looking forward to Kurdish
liberation after the fall of the Damascus government.
These reports
have to be assessed as predominantly based on propaganda rather than actuality.
Both appeals by the Turkish government and the FSA, most prominently by FSA
Commander Mustafa al-Sheikh to Kurdish Parties and Fractions to join the
insurgency have failed.
In June 2011, at
the onset of the FSA campaign for Aleppo, a senior member of the Kurdistan
Democratic Party of Syria, Nuri Brimo, expressed that the Kurdish National
Council, KNC, has decided not to get involved in the insurgency against the
Syrian government and military and that the council has decided to keep the
Kurdish areas peaceful.
Nuri Brimo said
that the KNC does not want events like the massacres in Daraa and Homs to be
repeated in predominantly ethnically Kurdish cities. Brimo added that one day
things may get out of control, but so far security and calm have prevailed.
At the beginning
of June 2011 the Kurdish areas witnessed some violence between the Kurdish
National Council and the PYD. The clashes ceased after an agreement between the
KNC and PYD was signed on 11 June. The clashes between the PYD and the KNC
occurred due to insecurity about a possible security gap that could arise if
the attempted subversion should succeed in defeating the Syrian Military.
Both the KNC and
the PYD have recognized that their primary strategic partner for security is
the Syrian government, the Syrian military and thereafter other Kurdish
factions. 10
Contrary to the
Kurdish population of Turkey which is suffering from considerable oppression,
the Syrian Kurdish minority enjoys considerable rights and privileges. The
constitution of the Syrian Arab Republic enshrines considerable rights and
privileges for ethnic and religious minorities. It also guarantees equal rights
an opportunity to women. The Kurds of Syria are acutely aware of the fact that
it is very unlikely that any new Syrian government that has come to power with
the political and military support of a Turkish government, and in particular
the AKP led government of P.M. Erdogan is likely not to improve the situation.
Besides that,
neither the NCS, the FSA, or the Salafist mercenaries have any political
program that would guarantee the Kurdish minority of Syria the same rights and
privileges as they already have, and even if any of these opposition groups had
a program that guaranteed the rights of the Kurdish minority, none of them have
either the military nor the political credibility to make them a suitable and
reliable partner for the Kurds of Syria.
THE
NATIONAL COORDINATION COMMITTEE FOR DEMOCRATIC CHANGE (NCC)
The National
Coordination Committee for Democratic Change, NCC, is a pro-reform organization
that is based in Damascus. It is a broad popular coalition of Pan-Arabists,
Nationalists, Kurdish Parties and Organizations, Syrian Socialists,
Internationalist Socialists, Marxist Organizations, Peace Movements, Human
Rights Organizations, Religious NGOs and other organizations. It is by far the
largest and most inclusive pro-reform organization. Although it is by far the
largest and most representative pro-reform organization, its initiatives have
been largely ignored by Western and Gulf Arab mainstream politicians and media.
Opposite to all
of the foreign-backed opposition the NCC and all of its constituent parties and
organizations reject unsolicited foreign interference into the internal affairs
of the Syrian Arab Republic. The NCC opposes any foreign military intervention
and vehemently opposes the foreign backed insurgency on the grounds of
international law and on the grounds that it is counterproductive to the
ongoing reform process in Syria. The NCC perceives the militant, foreign backed
insurgency in Syria as the main obstacle to genuine and comprehensive reforms
in Syria.
The NCC
criticizes the economic sanctions against Syria as misguided. Economic
sanctions, so the NCC, are predominantly inflicting suffering and harm on the
general population. The NCC perceives the diplomatic sanctions against Syria as
counterproductive to genuine dialog and conflict resolution. The NCC recognizes
the Syrian Arab Baath Party as partner toward genuine and comprehensive
national reforms as well as a political competition and partner within a
democratic discourse.
The NCC is
regularly organizing conferences which rather than focusing on the discourse of
a particular party organize the necessary systemic, institutional and cultural
instruments that are necessary for a genuine democratic discourse.
Members of the
National Coordination Committee for Democratic Change are being systematically
targeted by the Free Syrian Army and Salafist terrorist organizations in an
attempt to disrupt the political dialog and reform process.
THE
SYRIAN SOCIAL NATIONALIST PARTY (SNP).
The Syrian
Social Nationalist Party, SNP, was constituted in 1932 in Beirut as a party for
national independence from French colonialism and for social justice. It is
working on a socialist democratic platform comparable to that of the Social
Democratic Parties in Germany and Denmark, or the British Labour Party. The
program of the SNP endorses Syrian national sovereignty and independence within
the framework of a political and economic Pan-Arabic union.
The SNP opposes
unsolicited foreign intervention into the domestic political affairs of the
Syrian Arab Republic. It sharply criticizes foreign political and material
support of insurgents on the grounds of international law, and on the grounds
that the foreign backed subversion and the wave of terrorism it has brought to
Syria is counter-productive to genuine political, economic and social reforms.
The SNP has
taken part in the 2012 elections and it is represented in the Syrian Parliament
and part of the current coalition government that is constituted by The Syrian
Socialist Arab Baath Party, The Syrian Social Nationalist Party, and The
Peoples Will Party. After the 2012 elections the prominent SNP member Dr. Ali
Haidar became Minister of State for National Reconciliation Affairs of the
government of President Bashar Al-Assad.
As well as
members of all other reformist movements and parties who reject foreign
intervention and armed subversion, members of the SNP are being systematically
targeted and assassinated by the FSA and Salafist terrorist organizations.
THE
PEOPLES WILL PARTY (PWP).
The Peoples Will
Party has a social and liberal democratic platform. It has taken part in the
2012 elections and is represented in the Syrian Parliament. After the elections
the prominent PWP member Dr. Qadri Jamil became the Deputy Prime Minister for
Economic Affairs and the Minister of Internal Trade and Consumer Protection.
Dr. Jamil is also the chairman of the Popular Front for Change and Liberation,
which is part of the largest pro-reform organization, the National Coordination
Committee for Democratic Change, NCC.
Also the PWP
rejects unsolicited foreign political and military interference into the
internal affairs of the Syrian Arab Republic on the ground of international law
and because of their adverse effect on the ongoing political, legal and social
reforms in Syria.
THE
SYRIAN SOCIALIST ARAB BAATH PARTY (BAATH PARTY).
The Syrian
Socialist Arab Baath Party constitutes itself on the basis of Pan-Arabic
Socialism, that is, governance based on secular, socialist principles, with the
endorsement of religious freedom and protection of religious and ethnic
minorities.
The Baath Party is the greatest Syrian Party. Although it has been criticized for holding on to governance under emergency laws too long, thus stalling a much wanted and much needed development of political competition and reforms, both the Party and President Al-Assad enjoy very high approval ratings.
In early 2012
the Baath Party succeeded in spite of the ongoing subversion to implement
comprehensive political reforms. Four political parties have been approved,
registered. Elections have been held. The elections were free, open, fair and
in spite of the threat of terrorism peaceful.
The Baath Party
is currently forming a coalition government with the participation of the
Syrian Social Nationalist Party and the Peoples Will Party. In early 2012 the
pre-2012 elections government has drafted a new Syrian constitution that has
been approved by 89 % in a referendum. In spite of the ongoing violence and
threats against polling stations, over 69 % of the electorate voted in the referendum,
The Syrian Arab
Baath Party has practiced considerable self-critique, most prominently from the
side of President Al-Assad. Primarily this self-critique is based on having
been too slow to implement political reforms and for holding on to governance
under emergency laws for too long.
The Baath Party
encourages all peaceful and constructive political opposition and national
reconciliation. It rejects any unsolicited political and military intervention
on the grounds of international law and on the grounds that they are
counter-productive to genuine political, legal and social reforms.
OTHER
PARTIES AND ORGANIZATIONS.
Since the onset
of the Arab Spring in Syria in March 2011, the Syrian government has
implemented the dual policy of maintaining security and fighting the armed
subversion, while embracing and promoting an inclusive, peaceful political
discourse. Several amnesties for citizens who had taken up arms and who had not
been directly involved in outright murder and crimes against humanity, while
encouraging the establishment of new political parties and organizations have
contributed to the success of this policy.
Other
organizations which are not explicitly accounted for in this analysis include a
Youth Party, The Communist Party of Syria, and a cohort of smaller parties and
grassroots organizations which have sprung up in Syria since 2011. Many of
these parties and organizations are taking part in the work and conferences of
the National Coordinating Committee for Democratic Change, NCC. Provided that
the armed subversion can be contained, there is today a solid potential for
genuine reform and a genuine democratic discourse in Syria.
THE APOLOGETIC DISCOURSE.
The majority of the Syrian population, including members of
the Baath Party, the NCC, the PWP, and other reformist organizations are aware
of that the Baath Party has been too slow to lift emergency laws and too slow
at initiating reforms. There is however, also a broad consensus among the
non-foreign backed political organizations, that Syria has had to cope with
serious threats to its national security, and that reforms cannot be
implemented at the cost of neglecting these concerns.
The general consensus within this apologetic discourse is
that Syria, beside the armed insurgency, has been and is confronted with the
following threats to its national security and integrity.
~ Israel´s occupation of the Syrian Golan Highs and plans for a permanent annexation of the Golan by Israel;~ Syria´s support of Palestine against the illegal occupation by Israel and security concerns that arise due to this policy;~ the lack of convergence in the energy needs of Iran, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and Russia versus those of Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, the USA and key members of the European Union;~ the position of Syria as the sole remaining ally to Russia in the Middle East,~ Syria´s role as a stabilizing factor in Lebanon and related security concerns; the threat of religious or ethnic fanaticism and ethnic or religious violence that threatens to undermine the protection of ethnic and religious minorities as well as equal opportunity which is enshrined in the Syrian constitution.
The general consensus among all of the parties and organizations
who are participating in the peaceful political discourse in Syria, including
the Baath Party, is that the attempted armed subversion is increasing all of
these threats to Syria´s national security, and that it is counterproductive to
the development of genuine participatory democratic institutions and processes.
THE MANUFACTURING OF CONSENT WITH THE
INTERVENTIONIST DISCOURSE.
Media reports about the crisis differ considerably, are
often heavily biased, and reflect a deterioration in regional and global
security that is reminiscent of the cold war. The inherent risk in the
deterioration of relative objectivity of the media with regards to Syria is
that the majority of political decision makers are predominantly receiving
information through the same media as the general population, thus poising them
to making decisions based on propaganda, rather than on aspects of
international law, facts, and accurate analysis.
During a briefing of several groups of European
parliamentarians on the situation in Libya and Syria by the author in early
2012 it transpired that the majority of the members of European parliaments
received the information about the Middle East, on which they base their
decisions, predominantly from either mainstream media or from reports issued by
think tanks which are strongly biased. A small group of parliamentarians who
are members of relevant select committees, who receive reports from their
countries foreign intelligence services, stated that the information that is
provided to them through these channels also normally is strongly filtered and
biased.
The potential legal and political and security implication with regards to the Syria crisis, which is the potential of spiraling into a regional war with global implications inherently dangerous.
The following examples elicit the problem the biased media
reports pose for political decision making processes.
THE SYRIAN OBSERVATORY FOR HUMAN RIGHTS (OHR).
Behind the official sounding name Syrian Observatory for
Human Rights are two London based bureaus. The OHR was constituted in early
2011 by a small group of London based Syrian expatriates and issued regular
reports about the number of arrests and casualties.
In almost all of the reports issued by the OHR the casualty figures
and especially the casualty figures attributed to the Syrian police and
military forces were significantly higher than the reports that were issued by
the Syrian government, the United Nations, and Syria based pro-democracy,
anti-regime-change organizations.
Although the Syrian government regularly issues detailed and
well documented reports which are far more consistent with those issued by the
United Nations, the majority of western mainstream media, including the Qatar
State TV channel Al-Jazeera, BBC, CNN, etc. consistently and disregarding the
questionable methodology, used the statistics provided by the OHR.
The methodology of the OHR explains the significant
divergence. The OHR is using Facebook and other social media for gathering raw
data. That is, the collection of every individual report by individuals, every
newscast about casualties, and so forth.
In early 2012 the inaccurate and biased reports of the OHR
became increasingly embarrassing for those media which used them.
The OHR reportedly divided into two offices, of which one
denounced the other for being responsible for the flawed methodology and biased
or exaggerated reports. However, after the split neither the one nor the other
OHR bureau in London has issued any report that indicates that a more reliable
methodology has been implemented.
THE MANUFACTURING OF FALSE REPORTS AND
MANUFACTURING OF VIOLENCE.
After the massacre in the Syrian city Al-Houla in late May
2012 the BBC released an article in which the massacre was attributed to Syrian
military forces. Later that month BBC´s news editor John Williams admitted that
the report had been based on what Williams called”opposition propaganda”. 11
On 28 May 2012 the Italian photo-journalist Marco Di Lauro
discovered that the BBC had illegally used one of his photos. Di Lauro´s photo
showed the civilian casualties after a US bombing raid in Iraq. Without Di
Lauro´s permission and consent the BBC used the photo in an article under the headline”Syria massacre in Houla condemned as outrage
grows”. The caption under the disappropriated photo read ”This image ~ which cannot be independently
verified ~ is believed to show the bodies of children in Houla awaiting burial”.
12
Despite a thorough investigation was initiated by Syrian
authorities, and although both the Syrian authorities and many of the Syria
based opposition groups stated that the massacre had not been committed by the
Syrian military but the Free Syrian Army the BCC and Al-Jazeera, along with
others maintained that initial narrative.
According to statements by Syria based opposition groups,
and more importantly, according to statements from survivors of the massacre it
had been committed by the Free Syrian Army. According to eyewitnesses from Al
Houla the victims of the massacre had been almost exclusively families with
ties to the Baath Party or other parties who are taking part in the national
reform process.
THE ASSASSINATION OF JOURNALIST MAYA NASER.
In late September 2012 the 33 year old journalist Maya Naser
was shot dead by a sniper. Maya Naser was working as a correspondent for PRESS
TV and Al-Alam TV in Damascus.1
3
3
The murder took place after Naser took to the scene of two
explosions in Damascus. According to reliable reports, the snipers that opened
fire on Maya Naser and his colleague had already been in place approximately
two hours before the explosions. It is likely that the assassins have used the
journalists Twitter feed to ascertain whether he would arrive at the scene.
During the last two weeks of his life, Maya Naser had found
evidence that strongly indicated that the Turkish government is releasing
prisoners who are sentenced for terrorism charges to fight in the insurgency in
Syria. Most likely against being offered to clear their criminal record. Not
long after Maya Naser had entered into an ad hoc investigative alliance with
the author of this article, leading members of the Workers´ Party ~ Turkey and
a renowned international lawyer he was assassinated. Details are published in
the article ”Killing of Journalist
Maya Naser in Damascus possibly tied to His Investigation into Turkey War
Crimes”. 14
Also other journalists who are working in Syria or Turkey
are being targeted. A journalist from the Lebanese Al-Jadeed TV who witnessed
how a Turkish military officer in Syria distributed weapons to Salafist
fighters and FSA units. The Journalist was kidnapped, investigated and
threatened before she was released. A video with statements from the Al-Jadeed
Station Chief in Beirut and the journalist is published in ”Turkey´s Decision to allow Cross-Border
Military Operations violates Constitution, International Law, and endangers
National Integrity”. 15
INFORMATION WARFARE ~ ABSOLUTE IMAGE CONTROL
AND MODERN WARFARE.
According to contemporary US-American and NATO military
doctrine, absolute image control is an essential element of modern warfare. In
early July, simultaneously with the initiation of the FSA`s military campaign
for Aleppo and after pressure from the Arab League (AL), Arabsat and Nilesat
stopped carrying Syrian Radio and TV channels. Combined with the blocking
internet access to the websites of the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA) in
western and Arab countries the NATO doctrine of absolute image control was
being implemented against Syria. 16
The blocking of Syrian Radio and TV channels, combined with
the willful manufacturing of false media reports, the silencing of journalists
and more violate among other article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights 17
and UN General Assembly Resolutions 110, 381 and 819. 18 19 20.
Resolutions 110, 381, and 819 are regulating the erection of
obstacles to the free exchange of information and ideas as well as propaganda.
The resolutions have been adopted in the post World War II period and are
especially pertaining warfare. The protests of the Syrian Ambassador at the
United Nations have not yielded any result and a critical analysis of the role
of the UN will be given later on in the article.
The adverse effect of this manufacturing of consent by highly
questionable to right out criminal methods will, unless addressed within the
discourse of genuine conflict resolution:
~ Aggravate the crisis in Syria and obstruct national dialog national reconciliation and the building of a genuine democratic culture, genuine democratic institutions and a genuine political discourse toward reforms.~ Aggravate the influx of extremist organizations to Syria, creating grave security challenges not only in Syria but for the region as well as globally.~ Preventing populations in western and Arab nations who directly or indirectly support the armed or pro-regime change opposition from making informed decisions within their nation’s political discourse, thus obstructing both the Syrian reform process, reconciliation and Syrian, regional and global conflict resolution.~ Preventing members of parliaments from making informed decisions which have a direct impact not only on Syria and the Middle East, but which have potentially dangerous global, geo-politic implications.~ Prevent a genuine discourse for conflict resolution at the United Nations General Assembly.~ Psychologically bias honest brokers. The same principles which are active in courts of law, where the accused has been subject to being sentenced by the media are operand within the context of conflict resolution. Even though one has access to all available objective information it becomes impossible to make an unbiased decision.
Dr. Christof Lehmann is a
psychologist, independent political adviser and consultant with 30 years
experience on the highest levels of international politics, geo-politics,
conflict and conflict resolution. He is a lifelong advocate for human rights,
peace and international justice. Christof Lehmann is a frequent contributor of
articles to print and online media and is the owner of the blogue nsnbc – no
spin news. He can be contacted at Dr.Christof.Lehmann@Gmail.Com
.
NOTES:
1) Christof Lehmann, (2011) The National Council of Syria and US Unconventional Warfare , accessed on 22.10.2012 at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2011/10/06/the-national-counsel-of-syria-and-u-s-unconventional-warfare/
2) Official Website of the NCS, accessed on 21.10.2012.
http://www.syriancouncil.org/en/latest-blog-posts.html
3 WORKERS’ PARTY (TURKEY) FILED A CRIMINAL COMPLAINT ABOUT THE TERROR CAMPS IN HATAY! Workers Party – Turkey, article accessed on nsnbc on 22.10.2012 at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2012/09/14/workers-party-turkey-filed-a-criminal-complaint-about-the-terror-camps-in-hatay/
4) Christof Lehmann (2012) Attack on Syria likely before March ? Accessed on nsnbc 22.10.2012 at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2012/02/17/attack-on-syria-likely-before-march/
5) Ivo H. Daalder, James G. Stavridis (2012). NATO`s Victory in Libya. The Right Way to Run an Intervention. Foreign Affairs. March/April 2012. Pp.2 – 7.
6) Christof Lehmann (2012) NATO`s 25th Summit in Chicago in Preparation of Global Full Spectrum Dominance, Interventionism, Possible Preparations for A Regional War Directed against Russia and China, and Developments in Global Security. Accessed on nsnbc on 22.10.2012
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2012/05/20/natos-25th-summit-in-chicago-in-preparation-of-global-full-spectrum-dominance-interventionism-possible-preparations-for-a-regional-war-directed-against-russia-and-china-and-developments-in-global/
7) International Crisis Group.(2012) Tentative Jihad: Syria´s Fundamentalist Opposition. Accessed on the website of the International Crisis Group on 22.10.2012 at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/publication-type/media-releases/2012/mena/syria-tentative-jihad-syria-s-fundamentalist-opposition.aspx
8) Christof Lehmann (2011) Syria, NATO and the Modified Chechnyan Model, accessed at nsnbc on 22.10.2012 at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2011/09/25/syria-nato-and-the-modified-chechnyan-model/
9) Christof Lehmann (2012) Washington’s Salafist Quagmire in Syria, accessed at nsnbc on 22.10.2012 at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2012/10/14/washingtons-salafist-quagmire-in-syria/
10) Christof Lehmann (2012. Kurdish Fractions Fight NATO-led Free Syrian Army. Accessed on nsnbc on 22.10.2012, at
http://nsnbc.wordpress.com/2012/06/29/kurdish-fractions-fights-nato-led-free-syrian-army/
11) Chris Marsden (2012), BBC Word News Editor: Houla Massacre Coverage
based on Opposition Propaganda. World Socialist Website, 15 June 2012,
accessed on nsnbc 26.10.2012 at
12) Marco Di Lauro (2012) BBC Illegally Uses Image of Iraqi Victims:
The US/NATO, UN Demonization Propaganda Against Syrian Government Further
Intensifies. 28.05.2012, nsnbc, accessed on nsnbc on 26.10.2012 at
13) Finian Cunningham (2012) Press TV correspondent killed for exposing
truth. PRESS TV, 28.09.2012, accessed on nsnbc on 26.10.2012 at
14) Christof Lehmann (2012) Killing of Journalist Maya Naser in Damascus
possibly tied to His Investigation into Turkey War Crimes. Nsnbc
27.09.2012, accessed on nsnbc on 26.10.2012 at
15) Christof Lehmann (2012) Turkey´s Decision to allow Cross-Border Military
Operations violates Constitution, International Law, and endangers
National Integrity.
Nsnbc, 07.10.2012, accessed on nsnbc on
26.10.2012 at
16) Christof Lehmann (2012) Preparation of Absolute Image Control in War
on Syria. Nsnbc 03.06.2012, accessed on nsnbc on 26.10.2012 at
17) UN Documents. Universal declaration of Human Rights. Accessed
on 26.10.2012 at http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/
18) UN Documents. United Nations General Assembly Resolution
110, accessed on 26.10.2012 at
19) UN Documents. United Nations general Assembly Resolution
381, accessed on 26.10.2012 at
20) UN Documents. United Nations General Assembly Resolution
819. accessed on 26.10.2012 at
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