Showing posts with label protest music. Show all posts
Showing posts with label protest music. Show all posts

Tuesday, 30 August 2011

LIBYA: MASTERS OF WAR: DYLAN: TIMELESS: NATO: EVIL

A timeless classic by Bob Dylan. 

Yeah, I know he has reverted to his Zionist roots and all that. 

That aside, this is a timeless piece of our history that should not be forgotten.
Powerful little film.

Sunday, 7 August 2011

VIDEO: CANDLES IN THE RAIN: MELANIE


Here is another old song that is even truer now than it was back then. So few  of us saw past the drugs and the dancing and actually locked on to the words.

Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown


Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown.

We were so close, there was no room
We bled inside each other's wounds


We all had caught the same disease
And we all sang the songs of peace.

Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown


Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown.

So raise the candles high
'Cause if you don't

we could stay black against the night


Oh raise them higher again
And if you do

we could stay dry against the rain.

Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown

Lay down, lay down, lay it all down
Let your white birds smile up
At the ones who stand and frown.



TY Coyote for the inspiration.

Tuesday, 1 February 2011

HUNDREDS OF RUSSIANS PROTEST AGAINST PUTIN

There seems to be a lot of this going around lately... peoples' unrest. Interesting how silent the people of North America, Australia and Europe are on these matters! As if these things cannot be applied to them, perhaps?

Police officers detain an opposition activist during a banned anti-Kremlin protest in St. Petersburg, Russia, Monday, Jan. 31, 2011. Opposition groups have been calling rallies on the 31st day of each month to honor the 31st article of the Russian Constitution, which guarantees the right of assembly. Most of the rallies have been banned or dispersed by police as unsanctioned. (AP Photo/Dmitry Lovetsky)
 

MOSCOW (AP) ~ 

About500 people demonstrated in a central Moscow square on Monday to demand the ouster of Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and his “rule of thieves.”

The rally took place peacefully, but police detained a separate group of 20 opposition activists nearby. About 60 protesters also were detained in St. Petersburg, one of a number of other cities where demonstrations were held.

Prominent opposition leader Boris Nemtsov, who was arrested and jailed for 15 days following a similar demonstration a month ago, kept up his assault on Russia’s longtime leader as he addressed the protesters on Moscow’s Triumph Square.

He compared Putin to Egyptian President Hosni Mubarek, who is facing mass unrest after 30 years in power.

“Please, someone tell me how our leadership differs from his,” Nemtsov shouted to the crowd from the back of a truck. “Russia has to get rid of Putin.”

Nemtsov has accused Putin of allowing corruption to pervade the corridors of power and of building up considerable personal wealth during his 11 years in power at the expense of ordinary Russians. He also has denounced Putin’s reversal of the democratic achievements of the 1990s.

Russia’s beleaguered opposition holds demonstrations on the last day of every month with 31 days to call attention to the 31st Article of Russia’s Constitution, which guarantees freedom of assembly.

The city authorized Monday’s rally, but it also authorized the rally Dec. 31, during which 68 people were arrested, including Nemtsov. He was arrested after the rally while walking across the square to his car.

Nemtsov’s arrest drew Western condemnation and mobilized his supporters, who held daily pickets outside the jail where he was being held.

Hundreds of police surrounded the square Monday, but they allowed the demonstrators to disperse after the hour-long rally ended with cries of “Down with the rule of thieves.”

Police did, however, detain another opposition leader, Eduard Limonov, and his supporters as they walked away from the square. City police spokesman Gennady Bogachev said they were attempting to organize their own rally.

Limonov, who was arrested ahead of last month’s rally shortly after leaving his home and sentenced to 15 days in jail, has refused to join other opposition leaders at the sanctioned demonstrations.

In St. Petersburg, the opposition did not have permission to protest. Police spokesman Vyacheslav Stepchenko said officers detained 60 people when they broke up the rally.

Thursday, 27 January 2011

MEANWHILE IN YEMEN.......

WAVES OF UNREST SPREAD TO YEMEN, SHAKING A REGION




By Anthony Shadid, Nada Bakri and Kareem Fahim
January 27, 2011
New York Times

Thousands of protesters on Thursday took to the streets of Yemen, one of the Middle East’s most impoverished countries, and secular and Islamist Egyptian opposition leaders vowed to join large protests expected Friday as calls for change rang across the Arab world.

The Yemeni protests were another moment of tumult in a region whose aging order of American-backed governments appears to be staggering. In a span of just weeks, Tunisia’s government has fallen, Egypt’s appears shaken and countries like Jordan and Yemen are bracing against demands of movements with divergent goals but similar means.

Protests led by young people entered a third day in Egypt, where Mohamed ElBaradei, the Nobel laureate who has become an outspoken opponent of President Hosni Mubarak, returned in hopes of galvanizing the campaign. The Muslim Brotherhood, long Egypt’s largest organized opposition, ended days of official inaction and said it would join the Friday protests, declaring “a day of rage for the Egyptian nation.”

Dr. ElBaradei called on Mr. Mubarak to step down.
 “He has served the country for 30 years, and it is about time for him to retire,” he told Reuters. “Tomorrow is going to be, I think, a major demonstration all over Egypt and I will be there with them.”

Though a relative calm settled on Cairo, smoke rose over the city of Suez, as sometimes violent protests continued there.

In Yemen, organizers vowed to continue protests on Friday and for weeks to come until the 32-year-old American-backed government of Ali Abdullah Saleh either fell or consented to reforms.

At least visually, the scenes broadcast across the region from Yemen were reminiscent of the events in Egypt and the month of protests that brought down the government in Tunisia. But as they climaxed by midday, they appeared to be carefully organized and mostly peaceful, save for some arrests. Pink ~ be it in the form of headbands, sashes or banners, was the dominant color; organizers described it as the symbol of the day’s protests.

“To Jidda, oh Ali!” some shouted, in reference to the city in Saudi Arabia where Tunisia’s president fled this month. “The people’s demand is the fall of the government!”

“We are telling them either he delivers real political reforms or we’re going to deliver him out of power,” said Shawki al-Qadi, an opposition lawmaker and organizer of the Yemeni protests. “He’s closed all the doors of hope. The only glimmer is in the streets.”

Unlike in Egypt, the peaceful protests in Yemen were not led by young people, but by the traditional opposition, largely Islamists. And the opposition remained divided over whether to topple the Saleh government or simply push for reforms.
But the potential for strife in the country is difficult to overstate. Yemen is troubled by a rebellion in the north and a struggle for secession in the once independent, Marxist south. In recent years, an affiliate of Al Qaeda has turned parts of the country, a rugged, often lawless region on the southwestern corner of the Arabian Peninsula, into a refuge beyond the state’s reach. Added to the mix is a remarkably high proportion of armed citizens, some of whom treat Kalashnikovs as a fashion accessory.

“I fear Yemen is going to be ripped apart,” said Mohammed Naji Allaw, coordinator of the National Organization for Defending Rights and Freedom, which was one of the protests’ organizers. “The situation in Yemen is a lot more dangerous than in any other Arab country. It would be foolish for the regime to ignore our demands.”

He said a phrase often heard these days was that Yemen faced “sawmala” ~ the Somalization of a country that witnessed a civil war in the mid-1990s.

A portion of Mr. Allaw’s worries sprang from the inability of the opposition to forge a unified message. Some are calling for secession for the south, he said, while others are looking to oust the president. Yet the mainstream, he said, simply wanted Mr. Saleh to agree not to run for another term after 2013 and to guarantee that his son would not succeed him.

“The opposition is afraid of what would happen if the regime falls,” said Khaled Alanesi, who also works with the human rights group in Sana, the capital. “Afraid of the militant groups, Al Qaeda, the tribes and all the arms here.”

The government responded to the protests by sending a large number of security forces into the streets, said Nasser Arrabyee, a Yemeni journalist in Sana. “Very strict measures, anti-riot forces,” he called them. But the government suggested that it had not deployed large numbers of security forces, keeping them peaceful.

“The Government of the Republic of Yemen strongly respects the democratic right for a peaceful assembly,” Mohammed al-Basha, a Yemeni Embassy spokesman in Washington, said in a statement. “We are pleased to announce that no major clashes or arrests occurred, and police presence was minimal.”

A pro-government rally, in another district of Sana, organized by Mr. Saleh’s party, attracted far fewer demonstrators, Mr. Arrabyee said.

The protests sprang from political divisions that began building in the country last October, when a dialogue collapsed between the opposition and Mr. Saleh, a 64-year-old strongman who has ruled his fractured country for more than three decades and is a crucial ally of the United States in the fight against the Yemeni branch of Al Qaeda. Though Mr. Saleh’s term is supposed to end in 2013, proposed amendments to the Constitution could allow him to remain in power for two additional terms of 10 years.

Opposition lawmakers, an eclectic bloc dominated by Islamists, organized protests that swelled into one of the largest demonstrations during Mr. Saleh’s tenure. But unlike the antagonists in Tunisia and Egypt, both sides seemed at least willing to engage in dialogue over demands that are far less radical.

“Political parties are pushing for reforms more than they are pushing to oust the president,” Mr. Alanesi said. “The slogans say to leave, but we actually want change.”

In a televised speech on Sunday night, Mr. Saleh, a wily politician with a firm grasp of the power of patronage, tried to defuse the opposition’s demands. He denied claims that his son would succeed him ~ as happened in Syria and, some fear, might occur in Egypt. He said he would raise army salaries, a move seemingly intended to ensure soldiers’ loyalty. Mr. Saleh has also cut income taxes in half and ordered price controls.

Yemen’s fragile stability has been of increasing concern to the United States, which has provided $250 million in military aid in the past five years. Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, in a visit to Sana this month, urged Mr. Saleh to establish a new dialogue with the opposition, saying it would help to stabilize the country.

The protests were the latest in a wave of unrest touched off by month long demonstrations in Tunisia that led to the ouster of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, the authoritarian leader who ruled for 23 years and fled two weeks ago. On Thursday, Tunisia unveiled major changes in its interim government in a bid to end the protests.

The antigovernment gatherings in Yemen also followed three days of clashes between protesters and security forces in Egypt.

Dr. ElBaradei, the former director general of the International Atomic Energy Agency who has sought to refashion himself as pro-democracy campaigner in his homeland, is viewed by some supporters as capable of uniting the country’s fractious opposition and offering an alternative to Mr. Mubarak. Critics view him as an opportunist who has spent too little time in the country to take control of a movement that began without his leadership.

Safwat el-Sherif, secretary general of Egypt’s ruling party, called for restraint from security forces and protesters and raised the possibility of a dialogue with the young people who have powered some of the biggest protests in a generation.

“We are confident of our ability to listen,” he said.

“But democracy has its rules and process,” he added. “The minority does not force its will on the majority.”

Tuesday, 20 July 2010

MUSICAL INTERLUDE ~ STRONG ANTI WAR MUSIC

NEVER FORGET
WE ARE ALL PALESTINIANS

I love music. Here are some of my favourites with a heavy emphasis on anti war songs. I hope you take time to enjoy them all. Every single one of them speaks for me on some level or they would not here. Two versions of CRAZY? Well we all need an outlet for our true frustration at our personal sense of helplessness don't we. There were others but I could not find them or a decent version. Remember though, always, peace is the underlying for everything when done in proper spirit. Love is what is the drive for responsible anarchy, not hatred. Otherwise it is no better than them, our communal enemy ~ the dark forces. I know just how limited this list is.

HUMAN RACE GET OFF YOUR KNEES,
THE LION SLEEPS NO MORE ~ DAVID ICKE




IF I HAD A ROCKET LAUNCHER ~ BRUCE COCKBURN




STAYIN' ALIVE ~ GEEBEES ~ 911'S A LIE




FREE PALESTINE ~ DADDY CHANG





THEY DON'T CARE ABOUT US ~ MICHAEL JACKSON



LET'S GO ALL THE WAY ~ NUFFFRESPECT





WE WILL NOT GO DOWN IN GAZA TONIGHT ~ MICHAEL HEART





PALESTINE: AN ISRAELI LOVE SONG



MARTIAL LAW ~ PARIS



WAR ~ EDWIN STARR





SKY PILOT ~ ERIC BURDEN AND WAR





CRAZY ~ GNARLS BARKLEY



GRATE BRITAIN ~ EMBED





STAND BY ME ~ JOHN BON JOVI, RICHIE SAMBORA, ANDY MADADIAN




UPRISING ~ MUSE



GHOST DANCE ~ ROBBIE ROBERTSON



CRAZY ~ SEAL



WHAT ARE YOU MARCHING FOR ~ PHIL OCHS



VIETNAM SONG ~ COUNTRY JOE AND THE FISH




I AIN'T MARCHING ANY MORE ~ PHIL OCHS




UNIVERSAL SOLDIER ~ BUFFY STE. MARIE




THE UNKNOWN SOLDIER ~ THE DOORS





AMERICAN WAR SONGS ~ PETE SEEGER




IT IS A GOOD DAY TO DIE ~ ROBBIE ROBERTSON




Monday, 21 September 2009

MUSE ~ UPRISING ~ WITH LYRICS

POWER TO THE PEOPLE, YEAH!!!

CRANK UP THE VOLUME, PEOPLE.
BLOODY BRILLIANT ~ JUST THE SONG FOR THE MOMENT!
TAKE A FEW MOMENTS TO GET FIRED AND INSPIRED.
THANKING DAVID ICKE FOR TURNING ME ON TO THIS ONE


Just take a few minutes, listen and sing these words as they go along. It is an extremely empowering experience!
Then, for good of your sanity and mental health, do it again!
Muse The Resistance
Uprising
The paranoia is in bloom, the PR
The transmissions will resume
They'll try to push drugs
Keep us all dumbed down and hope that
We will never see the truth around
(So come on!)

Another promise, another scene, another
A package not to keep us trapped in greed
With all the green belts wrapped around our minds
And endless red tape to keep the truth confined
(So come on!)

[Chorus]
They will not force us
They will stop degrading us
They will not control us
We will be victorious

Interchanging mind control
Come let the revolution take its toll if you could
Flick the switch and open your third eye, you'd see that
We should never be afraid to die
(So come on!)

Rise up and take the power back, it's time that
The fat cats had a heart attack, you know that
Their time is coming to an end
We have to unify and watch our flag ascend

[Chorus]
They will not force us
They will stop degrading us
They will not control us
We will be victorious

Hey .. hey ... hey .. hey!
(repeat)

[Chorus]
They will not force us
They will stop degrading us
They will not control us
We will be victorious

Hey .. hey ... hey .. hey!
(repeat)

Wednesday, 27 May 2009

TELL ME WHY by DECLAN GALBRAITH

STOP FOR A MOMENT, LISTEN TO THIS YOUNG MAN,
READ THE WORDS OF THIS SONG HE SINGS SO BEAUTIFULLY,
BE MOVED ~ AND
ALWAYS, REMEMBER THE CHILDREN,
THE CHILDREN WE FIGHT FOR TODAY SO THAT THEY MIGHT HAVE A TOMORROW



TELL ME WHY by DECLAN GALBRAITH

In my dream, children sing
A song of love for every boy and girl
The sky is blue and fields are green:
And laughter is the language of the world
Then I wake and all I see

Is a world full of people in need
Tell me why (why) does it have to be like this?
Tell me why (why) is there something I have missed?
Tell me why (why) 'cause I don't understand
When so many need somebody
We don't give a helping hand
Tell me why?

Everyday I ask myself
What will I have to do to be a man?
Do I have to stand and fight
To prove to everybody who I am?
Is that what my life is for
To waste in a world full of war?

Tell me why (why) does it have to be like this?
Tell me why (why) is there something I have missed?
Tell me why (why) 'cause I don't understand
When so many need somebody
We don't give a helping hand

tell me why
tell me why
tell me why
tell me why
tell me why
just tell me why, why, why

Tell me why (why) does it have to be like this?
Tell me why (why) is there something I have missed?
Tell me why (why) 'cause I don't understand
When so many need somebody
We don't give a helping hand

Tell me why (why, why, does the tiger run)
Tell me why(why, why do we shoot the gun)
Tell me why (why, why do we never learn)
Can someone tell us why we let the forest burn?
(why, why do we say we care)

Tell me why (why, why do we stand and stare)
Tell me why (why, why do the dolphins cry)
Can someone tell us why we let the ocean die?
(why, why if we're all the same)

Tell me why(why, why do we pass the blame)
Tell me why (why, why does it never end)
Can someone tell us why we cannot just be friends?
Why, why

Thursday, 26 February 2009

ISRAEL'S AUTHORITARIAN TRANSFORMATION

Israeli riot police in Haifa at a Gaza solidarity demonstration,
December 2008. (Oren Ziv/ActiveStills)

By Sharon Weill and Valentina Azarov The Electronic Intifada,
25 February 2009


One of the main issues raised during the recent conflict in the Gaza Strip ~ apart from a considerable number of allegations of violations of international humanitarian law that will not be dealt with here ~ concerns the functioning of rule of law in Israel in cases regarding the freedoms of expression, opinion and access to information. The state did all that was in its power (and far beyond) to silence the voices that opposed the government's policies and operations in Gaza.


Those events were one major component of the process that led to the results of the elections to the Israeli parliament, in which a party, Yisrael Beiteinu, whose leader advocates a manifest racist and authoritarian agenda, has become the third political force in the country. The state's policies that will be examined in this article ~ the ban on protests, the restrictions on freedom of expression and the disqualification of Arab political parties ~ are a part of the transformation of Israel into an authoritarian regime based on segregation.

THE BAN ON PROTEST

During the military operations in Gaza, protesters met with police and army brutality in nonviolent demonstrations against the war. According a 12 January 2009 report by the Israeli daily Haaretz, and a 2 January 2009 report by the human rights organization Adalah, during 230 such demonstrations, 801 protestors were arrested, 277 of them children and juveniles; arrests were made for "disturbing the peace," waving Palestinian flags, and "hurting the nation's morale."

As of 7 February 2009, 255 people were still under arrest, including 89 children and juveniles; 114 indictments were submitted to the courts. Others were called in for interrogation by the security services, and were warned not to take part in any demonstration, some were put under house arrest and were prohibited from entering certain cities. The large majority of those arrested were Palestinians with Israeli citizenship. Palestinian, Israeli and international protesters in the West Bank, participating in nonviolent demonstrations, were violently repressed by the Israeli army that shot at them with live ammunition. Those clashes killed four Palestinian demonstrators in Nilin, Qalqiliya and Sawad. Many others were wounded.

The freedoms of expression and protest and personal liberties were systematically and blatantly violated by the state.

VIOLATION OF FREEDOM OF THE PRESS

Israeli journalists have been forbidden to enter the Gaza Strip for more than two years. Amira Hass and Shlomi Eldar, two well-known Israeli reporters who entered Gaza before the offensive, were arrested immediately upon return to Israel. Foreign journalists have been denied access since the beginning of November 2008, because of the interruption of the ceasefire with Hamas and the closure of crossing points between Israel and the Strip.

The Foreign Press Association petitioned the Israeli high court on 24 November 2008 against this new policy and requested that free access be allowed. The petitioner declared that the reporters demanding to enter the Gaza Strip were willing to exempt Israel from responsibility for their safety.

The first hearing was set only for 31 December 2008, after the petitioner requested urgently that, in light of the new circumstances, namely, the Israeli military operation in the Gaza Strip, foreign correspondents should be allowed to enter the area in order to report from there.

On 2 January 2009 the court rendered its judgment, stating that:

"Indeed, the freedom of speech and the freedom of the press, as for the public's right to know, remain unchanged even in times of war, and in a period such as this, they have an all the more special importance; however, these rights are not absolute and under the circumstances of the situation in question they are to be balanced against the predicted risk to human lives as a result of opening the crossing points between Israel and the Gaza Strip."

The court unequivocally endorsed the state's proposal to let only eight correspondents, referred to as a "pool," enter the Gaza Strip when the crossing was made possible for humanitarian purposes, and that the entry of the foreign correspondents was to be coordinated with the relevant authority a day prior to the requested entry date.

In addition, the court endorsed the state's position that the above procedure was "to be subject to changes according to circumstances in the field. However, we expect the respondents to take all the necessary measures, according to the procedures they established, and in consideration of the rights and interests represented by the petitioner."

A day after the ruling, the ground operation in Gaza began. The state saw in that a fundamental change of condition, which rendered impossible the implementation of the court's decision. Thus, the obligation to facilitate the journalists' entry, which the state had agreed on just a day before, was never implemented.

On 20 January 2009, after the end of the operations, the state was ready to grant journalists access to the Gaza Strip. Nonetheless, the Foreign Press Association filed another petition (HCJ 643/09) requesting full access to journalists, as was the case prior to November 2008, because they were not satisfied with a mere declaration of intention from the state. In the course of the hearing the state agreed to provide access, but only to foreign journalists and not to Israeli journalists holding a foreign passport.

DID THE STATE VIOLATE THE FIRST RULING?

In its second ruling the court held that it would not decide whether there had been a violation of its previous decision as it was not a question that was relevant in the particular case. The state equally claimed that there were no violations, since all the restrictions were imposed, as the state explained, only for security reasons.

The petitioner did not ask for the state to be held in contempt of the court. They did not yet have the following information that was published a day after the filing of the second petition: Haaretz revealed a letter from the Ministry of Defense's legal adviser to the adviser's counterpart at the prime minister's office, showing that the Ministry of Defense had stated that security conditions did not prevent journalists from entering ~ but that the prime minister's and the foreign minister's offices had continued to block access for reasons based mainly on public relations, using security as an excuse.

In the letter the legal advisor to the Ministry of Defense warned that if the prime minister's office continued to block access, the state could be held in contempt of the court. It should be noted that the state did not deny the existence of this letter or its contents. (The original article was published only in Hebrew in the 21 January 2009 print edition of Haaretz. A partial translation of the article was published in Haaretz's online edition.)

BANNING ARAB PARTIES FROM ISRAELI ELECTIONS

The repression of the Palestinian minority in Israel is reminiscent throughout the state's socio-political history of military rule and policies of ethnic cleansing. To note only one of many problems presented by the structure and content of Israel's authoritarian legal framework, would be to shed light on its inherently discriminatory nature, which seeks the erosion of the identity of Palestinians living within Israel's borders through, inter alia, the banning of the Palestinian flag and the systematic denial of Palestinian property rights in Israel.

On 12 January 2009 the Central Elections Committee (CEC) of the Israeli parliament disqualified the candidacy of two Arab parties, United Arab List-Ta'al and Balad (or National Democratic Alliance (NDA)), representing more than 160,000 voters, from running to the 18th Knesset (parliamentary) elections that took take place on 10 February 2009. The disqualification followed a complaint filed to the CEC by Member of the Knesset Avigdor Lieberman, head of the far-right party Yisrael Beiteinu.

According to section 7A of Israel's Basic Law, the Knesset allows for the disqualification of a party when its objectives or its candidates' actions involve: (i) the destruction of the state of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state; (ii) incitement of racism; or (iii) support of an enemy state during a conflict, or of a terrorist organization. Moreover, the law has been recently amended to include the provision that concerns those who have visited an enemy country in the last seven years before the submission of their candidacy, as such actions would be seen as supporting an armed conflict against Israel.


Anger: Israeli police arrest a Palestinian
protester in east Jerusalem (AFP: Ahed Izhiman)


The disqualification motion had been introduced to the CEC by a number of right-wing parties and upheld by a majority of committee members including members of Kadima and the Labor party. Several committee members equated the Arab parties' support for Palestinians residents of the Gaza Strip, during the recent incursions, with support for terrorism. The members' greatest concern, as it were, was the parties' platform, which aims to change Israel's constitutional definition from a "Jewish and democratic state" to a "democratic state for all its citizens."

Adalah, a legal non-governmental organization dedicated to protecting the rights of Palestinians in Israel, submitted a petition on the Arab parties' behalf challenging the decision to reject their candidacy. The principal legal claim was that the decision hurt the candidates' right to be elected, and that preventing party lists from standing for election harms the constitutional right of the public who vote for these lists to elect their representatives to the Knesset. Furthermore, most of the CEC's members took irrelevant considerations into account, and neglected the existent laws and case law ~ the parties' platforms had already been considered in the previous elections by an extended bench of judges who had validated their candidacy, and since then there had been no change in their political agendas.

The petition tells a different story from that which transpired in the media. Adalah pointed out that the debates at the CEC were violent and uncontrolled and did not allow for a constructive discussion of the question at hand, isolating one side. Things got so out of hand that Justice Eliezer Rivlin, the President of the Committee, declared: "in view of the situation that has been created, I have decided not to vote" (protocol from the discussion on 12 January 2009, p. 60).

The parties' representatives were not given the opportunity to properly present their case, and were repeatedly interrupted (see pp. 20-25 of the protocol). In the short time that was granted to MK Ahmed Tibi, head of the United Arab List (UALAMC), to speak, he stated very clearly that "the Arab parties oppose a policy and not a country" and confirmed that what their political agendas sought was a common solution so that the two peoples could "live together and not die together" (pp 31-33 of the protocol).

Thus the decision taken by the CEC was biased, and based on incomplete quotations from the media that became at times the sole source of evidence. The attorney general stated that even if the claims made in the motions had been true, they still would not constitute sufficient cause to disqualify the Arab parties. Nevertheless, the votes to disqualify both parties were passed by an overwhelming majority of CEC members: 21 voted in favor of the disqualification of the UALAMC, seven members voted against and two abstained; 26 members voted in favor of disqualifying the NDA, three members voted against and one abstained.

On 21 January 2009 Israel's high court, with a nine-judge bench, unanimously accepted the petition that invalidated the election committee's decision and reinstated Balad and United Arab List-Ta'al's candidacy to the 18th Knesset.

MOVING TOWARDS AN AUTHORITARIAN REGIME

Once the state starts to intervene in a citizen's opportunity to form and hold a political opinion; once the media is either silent or becomes mainly a tool of propaganda; and once demonstrations and political parties are outlawed because they oppose the government, a society is heedlessly undertaking a slow but certain transformation, moving away from of a democratic regime and towards of an authoritarian one.

The alleged war crimes committed by the army in the Gaza Strip, the violations of the basic freedoms of citizens within Israel, and the results of the 2009 elections are all examples of such a transformation. What happened in the two months leading up to the elections explains, to a certain extent, the votes of many Israelis, who made a racist party the third political force in Israel.

Avigdor Lieberman's party advocates the banning of Arab political parties that called for "a democratic state for all citizens," and the repression of what it sees as the "treachery" of the Arab citizens. According to its website, Yisrael Beiteinu demands an "unapologetical patriotism" and "requires citizens to affirm their loyalty to the state and readiness to serve in the army or in the National Service in order to be eligible for any state benefits."

The party declares in its platform its intention to make Israel a purely Jewish state, and at the same time, "[i]ncreasing the Jewish Presence in Yehuda, Shomron, [in other words, the West Bank] the Golan [the occupied Syrian Golan Heights] and East Jerusalem" as well as working towards the "separation of Gaza from the West Bank."

According to the party's website, "Ideally, 'the wolf shall dwell with the lamb,' but we are not living in ideal times. History has shown that there is a dangerous potential for conflict wherever members of two different religions dwell in the same territory. ... Members of this [Arab] minority are likely to serve as terrorist agents on behalf of the Palestinian Authority. Many have already made explicit their lack of loyalty to the state. This situation could potentially lead to the collapse of Israel as a Jewish and democratic state and perhaps as an entity all together. Therefore in our view, the only possible solution is the exchange of territory and populations, with the goal of the separation of the Jewish and Arab nations, respectively" (emphasis added).

Lieberman has made a number of utterances inciting racism against a Palestinians with Israeli nationality. A recent press conference organized by Lieberman's party in Haifa barred Arab journalists from participating. As Haaretz reported on 6 February, during a recent visits to schools in northern Israel, Lieberman was welcomed with calls of "death to the Arabs" and with proposals to "revoke the Arabs' nationality." It was recently revealed by Haaretz that Lieberman was once a follower of the Kahane Kach movement, an extreme right wing movement that was outlawed in 1988.

Ideas that were once considered too racist to be legitimately expressed are now part of the mainstream political discourse. At the same time other opinions are silenced. This is a serious warning that the situation in Israel resembles more and more that of the apartheid-era South Africa.