Tuesday 26 February 2013



We must go back 130 years to find out how the Rothschilds became the Government of France, because it was in 1811 that Amschel Rothschild (the first) sent his son James to help in carrying out some particularly dirty work in Paris, necessitating the co-operation of his other son, Nathan in England.

James Rothschild was not commissioned to start a Branch of the Rothschild house at once; he was sent secretly from Frankfort to Paris to collect coin to aid the Duke of Wellington in his expected advance from Spain through southern France (B, Vol. X., p. 494), a proceeding which of course was an example of the utmost duplicity and treachery to the nation which he afterwards came to control.

He received bullion sent from England by his brother Nathan, importing it at Dunkirk, passing it through to Paris and exchanging it there for paper of Paris Banks which was then sent on to Wellington in Spain to cash with Spanish and other banks as requisite. James also smuggled French bullion to Holland, whence it was shipped to Wellington’s headquarters.

The reader will be surprised, perhaps, that such work was possible under the eyes and nose of Napoleon. Actually, Napoleon’s Marshal Davoust, Military Governor of Hamburg, acting on the advice of his police, warned him against the activities of the Rothschild family, whilst the Paris Prefect of Police advised the arrest of James Rothschild himself. (A, Vol. I., p. 137-9). The Police Commissioner at Mainz reported also the intimate relations of Amschel Rothschild with Dalberg, Napoleon’s representative at Frankfort, already described (see p. 10).

How was it then that James Rothschild was not arrested and executed as a spy by Napoleon?

It is all very simple and Rothschildian. The fact is that the French Finance Minister, Count von Mollien, found that James Rothschild’s advice and early reports of events, to say nothing of the frequency with which von Mollien found it convenient to get Rothschild to execute commissions for him, made James’s arrest inadvisable! (A, Vol. I., p. 139). In other words, James was “following in father’s footsteps” by sweetening the officials of Napoleon; he could defy arrest.

At last, in 1817, the Paris Rothschild offices were opened.

In 1822, James was made Austrian Consul-General in Paris. This of course was done through the influence of his brother Solomon over Metternich in Vienna (see Chapter IV.) He became an Austrian Baron together with his brothers. James flourished under the Bourbon rule, assisting the French kingdom with loans and financial advice.

But he kept open a line of retreat. When the dynastic Bourbons were expelled by the Revolution of 1830, Rothschild was only a temporary loser, because he had long ago wormed himself by monetary assistance into the favour of Louis Philippe, Duke of Orleans, who then came to the throne.

By 1832, therefore, James had weathered the crisis, and was again in full favour of a French King. Louis Philippe made James his adviser, although Thiers, his Minister, did not like it; but Thiers himself owed money to Rothschild so his opposition was feeble!

When Thiers wished to help Mehmet Ali in Egypt, and Rothschild advised the opposite course, it was Thiers who had to resign! This was in 1840, and very recently Moses Montefiore had been to visit Mehmet Ali and the Sultan of Turkey with huge bribes which effected the release (without re-trial) of a number of Jews condemned for a frightful ritual murder of a French priest at Damascus, and obtained favours for Jews under Turkish rule.

James Rothschild was now the great power in Paris. Metternich wrote in 1845 (A, Vol. II., p. 245) “By reason of natural (sic!) causes which I cannot regard as good or as moral, the House of Rothschild is a much more important influence in French affairs than the Foreign Office of any country, except perhaps England. The great motive force is their money. People who hope for philanthropy, and who have to suppress all criticism under the weight of gold, need a great deal of it. The fact of corruption ~ that practical element, in the fullest sense of the word ~ in the modern representative system, is recognized quite openly.” 
The German Minister in Paris, Von Arnim, whom Disraeli stated to be a Jew (Coningsby, Book IV., Chapter XV.), suggested that few Governments were in a position to say that they did not bear the golden chains of the House of Rothschild (A, Vol. II., p. 246, quoting from Gesichte Frankreichs, Hillebrand II., 646). Think, reader, what that meant.
The poet Heine, who was financed by James Rothschild and took hospitality freely from him, said that James “was the first to perceive the worth of Cremieux, who became his advocate” (Lutetia, Part I., Karpeles edition, VI., 385). It was, in fact, James Rothschild who first brought Cremieux into prominence, and therefore it is necessary to explain who Cremieux was, so that we may understand the motives of his patron. 

Isaac Adolphe Cremieux was a Jew; he was not only a Grand Orient Freemason, but “rose” to become a member of the Supreme Council of a super-Masonry of 90 degrees, called the Rite of Mizraim, becoming Grand Master in 1869. 

It was Cremieux who formed the Alliance Israelite Universelle, one of the most powerful organizations in the world for the extension of Jewish power over Gentile nations; this body was represented officially at the Berlin Congress (1878) and succeeded in getting the Powers to force upon Rumania, Serbia and Bulgaria the emancipation of the Jews in those countries, although Rumania slithered out of the obligation. 

The Alliance Israelite Universelle has frequently interfered with justice on behalf of Jewish criminals guilty of Ritual Murder, and it was Cremieux who accompanied Moses Montefiore in 1840 to bribe the Khedive and the Sultan as described already. 

Cremieux had an adopted son, a Jew called Gambetta (identified as a Jew by Archduke Albert of Austria, a prominent Jesuit who knew all the leading figures in active politics; this was in a letter dated 5th Jan., 1883, quoted by Crown Prince Rudolph in a letter dated 13th of the same month to the political Jew journalist Morris Szeps, see My Life and History, by Bertha Szeps, 1938, p. 52). He did all he could to push forward this Jew, Gambetta. It is necessary for the reader to note, then, that Cremieux was James Rothschild’s man, and that Gambetta was Cremieux’s man, for we shall meet them again very soon. 

Returning to James, concessions obtained from King Louis Philippe had made him the Railway “King” of France, and he had a number of Jewish bankers acting as his jackals, particularly Emil Pereire. It is to be remarked, however, that the whole of these railway enterprises in France were due to English initiative and energy (R, Vol. X., p. 786). 

Then came the Revolution of 1847-8 which was copied all over the Continent with more or less success. James Rothschild’s tout, Cremieux, had taken a leading part in bringing it about, and it was most definitely a Masonic revolution. 

Louis Philippe fled the country. James himself was at Cremieux’s back, expecting to be able to control the revolutionaries through him at least as well as he had controlled Louis Philippe. But they had not reckoned with the strength of the mob, which, having genuine grievances enough against the old regime, refused to accept the provisional Government which the Freemasons had formed and in which Cremieux himself was Minister for Justice. 

The Minister of Finance in this provisional government was a friend of Rothschild’s, a Jew called Goudcheaux who was there to protect Rothschild interests during the change over. 

The mob, however, formed its own republican government in opposition to the Rothschild combine, and the latter had to consent to a sort of amalgamation with these hostile elements. Goudcheaux had to resign, and James was left in a very awkward position; the mob-revolutionaries knew that he had been the intimate adviser of Louis Philippe and that he was always ready to back both sides of any cause; he was made to pay heavily for his personal safety and his villa at Suresnes was pillaged. The new Finance Minister, Ledru-Rollin, extorted money from James with threats of vengeance if he did not pay up (A, Vol. II., p. 263). It was a thin time for the Paris Rothschild.

Even when Louis Napoleon, recommended by Cremieux himself as a candidate, became President, James Rothschild had to take a back seat, because, once in the saddle, Louis Napoleon, knowing how easily a Rothschild changed his coat, made it clear to the horror of Rothschild and Cremieux that he was going to rely upon other Jew bankers, Fould and Oppenheim, and not upon the Rothschilds. Even the Jew Pereire found that it would pay him to side against Rothschild and with Louis Napoleon. 

Cremieux, finding that the Rothschilds were turned down by Louis Napoleon, turned against him, and when thrown out of office by Louis Napoleon’s assumption of the title of Emperor Napoleon III., he became his mortal enemy and worked up his Masons to overthrow him. 

They had to make the best of a bad job. Cremieux pushed forward his adopted Jew son, Gambetta, who became the chief of the Left Wing against Napoleon III. What sort of a man was this? Let us see what the Archduke Albert, in his letter already cited (see p. 27) has to say about this Rothschild-Cremieux product:—“He gambled and stole wherever he could.” Napoleon III lasted much longer than the Rothschilds hoped, in spite of Gambetta, and they were only able to use him through Disraeli, who was friendly with him; the Rothschilds had generally to be content with playing second fiddle to him. Undoubtedly, through Disraeli, they pushed him into alliance with Britain for the Crimean War. 

James Rothschild died in 1868, and the Paris office was taken over by his son, Alphonse. He had three other sons, Solomon, Gustav and Edmond, and all held the Austrian title of Baron. Together they inherited an estate estimated at 2,000 million francs. 

The Franco-Prussian War finished Napoleon III., and when he abdicated it was the Rothschild-Cremieux agent Gambetta who became Minister of the Interior to the Republic, and, by virtue of Rothschild money, its dictator. It was Gambetta who conducted the negotiations on behalf of defeated France with Bismarck, who, in turn was advised by another Jew, a former revolutionary of 1848, Ludwig Bamberger, a friend of Cremieux, who had for four years been manager of the Paris Branch of the Jew Bank of Bischoffsheim & Goldschmidt; whilst Alphonse “became head of the syndicate of French bankers which guaranteed the payment of the indemnity of five milliard francs by France to Germany.” (B, Vol. X., p. 498). 

Everything was in the Rothschild grip again, so they were unshaken by the Franco-Prussian War. They financed the Commune of 1871, and the residence of Alphonse was, most significantly, untouched by communist mobs, (A, Vol. II., p. 425) although it was in a particularly exposed position where the Rue de Rivoli joins the Place de la Concorde in which fighting was intense. We have already seen how, leading up to the Franco-Prussian War, Alphonse Rothschild in Paris and Bleichroder (Bismarck’s Jew) in Berlin were acting as intelligence officers (see p. 12), doubtless shaping their information to bring about the downfall of Napoleon III.

Their tool, Gambetta (quoting again the Archduke Albert) owed his power as virtual dictator to “his high position as a Freemason, to his Jewish origin, and to his will-power, all of which secured him the allegiance of all Freemasons, all Jews, and all those who do not know how to help themselves.” The Press, practically all Jewish, supported him. France became again a paradise for the Rothschilds. 

Alphonse Rothschild interested himself particularly in electrical development and petrol, with as much monopoly power in those spheres as could be achieved.
The politician Leon Say (1826-96) was a good example of a Rothschild-controlled politician. His first step in life was given him by Alphonse Rothschild who made him administrator of the Northern Railway. (Z.5, p. 165). Subsequently, he was Finance Minister from 1872 to 1880 and again in 1882, “the autocratic ruler of the French finances” (R, Vol. XXIV., p. 275). No doubt there were scores of similar cases. 

With the aid of the wife of the Russian Finance Minister, a Jewess, Alphonse arranged a loan for the hated Tsar, taking the standpoint that thereby the Tsar would be more likely to be sweetened towards the Jews and the repeal of the ghetto laws in Russia than by withholding and refusing the loan, that being the policy of the Rothschild in London. (A, Vol. II., p. 443). 

During the Great War 1914-18, the Rothschilds of Paris made enormous profits from their control of nickel, copper and lead mines, the shady transactions being described under these heads (see p.p. 57-58). It is interesting to know that Mme. Henri de Rothschild lent the ground-floor of her house for the Inter-Allied Officers’ Club. 

In Paris, a Central Consistory of the Alliance Israelite Universelle is a permanent feature, a sort of Sanhedrin or Parliament of World Jewry. As might be expected, the Rothschilds dominate it; in 1920 three Baron Rothschilds were on its strength, namely Edmond, Robert and Edouard, the last named being the President. It is to be noted that on attaining the 18th Degree, a Grand Orient Mason automatically becomes if not a member at least a supporter of the Alliance Israelite Universelle. (F, Vol. II., p. 487). 

When Trotsky escaped to the United States in 1934 it was through a western port, disguised as an employee of a Paris Rothschild bank (Q, p. 58). 

This followed two secret meetings in France, one in 1933 between Litvinoff, Trotsky, Baron Rothschild and R. Moley, once a lecturer at the Rand School for Social Science, New York; the other in May, 1934, between Litvinoff, Barney Baruch, Trotsky and Baron Maurice de Rothschild. (Q, p. 112). All are Jews except Moley.
It is part of the Jewish scheme to control all political movements, if they can, not excluding Fascism. 

Fascists should be careful to make sure that their leaders are clear of all Jewish and Masonic influence. 

Never mind what they say.Find out what they are.
In 1935, Col. de la Rocque started a “patriotic” movement in France called the Croix de Feu and it had endless funds which secured it a large following; its first charitable function was held in the grounds of a Rothschild mansion! Jews were taken in as members of this precious organization, and it published its policy in a book The Fiery Cross in which it poured odium and ridicule upon the German Nazis and described Bolshevism without any mention that both its origin and establishment are Jewish. This “Fascist” movement had a Jew Carvalho as Secretary and a Jew Wormser as Financial Adviser.

Alphonse Rothschild died in 1905, and his son, Edouard, took over the Paris business house.
The real Government of France is not a democracy; “R.F.” does not really mean Republique Francaise, but Rothschild Freres.
Financial pressure can always be exercised by the Rothschilds upon any Government of France, whatever its political complexion. This is done through the Banque de France of which a Rothschild is always the principal Regent, working hand-in-glove with the armament men, Wendel and the Marquis de Vogue who both represent the Schneider-Creusot arms firm.

It is of great interest to note that on 5th Oct., 1935, when Italy was attacking Abyssinia, both the Daily Telegraph and the Financial Times reported that a loan, one-third from the Rothschilds, of eight million pounds had been granted to the Credit Italiano Bank; this was denied two weeks later! But on 21st Oct., the Internationale Presse Agentur stated that the French House of Rothschild had given Italy a credit of 750 million francs.

No wonder Britain could not get France to apply “sanctions” against Italy under the Covenant of the League of Nations! Baron Franchetti, the chief “Italian” expert on Abyssinia, who was killed in an aeroplane accident on his way there, was the grandson of Wilhelm Rothschild!

It is also worthy of report that Baron Maurice Rothschild was at Geneva during the League of Nations sanctions conference, and the Daily Express, 14th October, published a photograph of him chatting with the President of the Committee after the final meeting of the conference. 

Henri Rothschild, a grandson of the Nathaniel who was the son of Nathan, lives in Paris and is a playwright, his pen-name being Andre Pascal.

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