ED Noor: The Western media keeps telling you what this man is ~ building him up on an even deeper level by the media in which, primarily, images of Joseph Stalin are pulled up constantly. There is more to this comparison than meets the eye but that is for another time. This man is painted as a madman. Now, listen to his words, from his mouth. The video in Russian can be found below but his words, ah, yes, such a madman to speak with such common sense and respect. AND he not only tackles the hard questions but does so head on. If you are confused about matters in Ukraine and Crimea, read here the true words of Vladimir Putin, our greatest weapon in our current fight against the onslaught of the New World Order.
Update: March 14, 2014. I have just added this video version of the interview translated live. Please enjoy. It is truly rewarding to see that SO MANY people have been interested in this interview! Many have come to read it and this thrills me to no end to think that more people may have been at least minimally influenced by understanding the situation more clearly.
.
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Update: March 14, 2014. I have just added this video version of the interview translated live. Please enjoy. It is truly rewarding to see that SO MANY people have been interested in this interview! Many have come to read it and this thrills me to no end to think that more people may have been at least minimally influenced by understanding the situation more clearly.
.
For
a video presentation, (in Russian) please click here:
.
Tlaxcala
March
6, 2014
President of Russia Президент России
.
The President of Russia met with media representatives to answer a number of their questions, in particular with regard to the situation in Ukraine.
.
The President of Russia met with media representatives to answer a number of their questions, in particular with regard to the situation in Ukraine.
.
PRESIDENT OF RUSSIA VLADIMIR PUTIN: Good afternoon,
colleagues,
.
.
How
shall we do this? This is what I’d like to suggest: let’s have a conversation,
rather than an interview. Therefore, I would ask you to begin by stating all
your questions, I will jot them down and try to answer them, and then we will
have a more detailed discussion of the specifics that interest you most.
.
.
Let’s
begin.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, I would
like to ask (you took a lengthy pause, so we have quite a few questions by now)
how you assess the events in Kiev?
.
Do you think that the Government and the Acting President, who are currently in power in Kiev, are legitimate? Are you ready to communicate with them, and on what terms? Do you yourself think it possible now to return to the agreements of February 21, which we all talk about so often?
.
.
Do you think that the Government and the Acting President, who are currently in power in Kiev, are legitimate? Are you ready to communicate with them, and on what terms? Do you yourself think it possible now to return to the agreements of February 21, which we all talk about so often?
.
QUESTION: Mr President, Russia has
promised financial aid to Crimea and instructions were issued to the Finance
Ministry yesterday. Is there a clear understanding of how much we are giving,
where the money is coming from, on what terms and when? The situation there is
very difficult.
.
.
QUESTION: When, on what terms and
in what scope can military force be used in Ukraine? To what extent does this
comply with Russia’s international agreements? Did the military exercises that
have just finished have anything to do with the possible use of force?
.
.
QUESTION: We would like to know
more about Crimea. Do you think that the provocations are over or that there
remains a threat to the Russian citizens who are now in Crimea and to the
Russian-speaking population? What are the general dynamics there ~ is the
situation changing for the better or for the worse? We are hearing different
reports from there.
.
.
QUESTION: If you do decide to use
force, have you thought through all the possible risks for yourself, for the
country and for the world: economic sanctions, weakened global security, a
possible visa ban or greater isolation for Russia, as western politicians are
demanding?
.
.
QUESTION: Yesterday the Russian
stock market fell sharply in response to the Federation Council’s vote, and the
ruble exchange rates hit record lows. Did you expect such a reaction? What do
you think are the possible consequences for the economy? Is there a need for
any special measures now, and of what kind? For instance, do you think the
Central Bank’s decision to shift to a floating ruble exchange rate may have
been premature? Do you think it should be revoked?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Fine, let us stop here for
now. I will begin, and then we will continue. Don’t worry; I will try to answer
as many questions as possible.
.
.
First
of all, my assessment of what happened
in Kiev and in Ukraine in general. There can only be one assessment: this
was an anti-constitutional takeover, an armed seizure of power. Does anyone
question this? Nobody does.
There is a question here that neither I, nor my colleagues, with whom I have been discussing the situation in Ukraine a great deal over these past days, as you know ~ none of us can answer. The question is why was this done?
I
would like to draw your attention to the fact that President Yanukovych,
through the mediation of the Foreign Ministers of three European countries –
Poland, Germany and France – and in the presence of my representative (this was
the Russian Human Rights Commissioner Vladimir Lukin) signed an agreement with
the opposition on February 21.
.
.
I
would like to stress that under that agreement (I am not saying this was good
or bad, just stating the fact) Mr Yanukovych actually handed over power. He
agreed to all the opposition’s demands: he agreed to early parliamentary
elections, to early presidential elections, and to return to the 2004
Constitution, as demanded by the opposition. He gave a positive response to our request, the request of western
countries and, first of all, of the opposition not to use force.
.
.
He did not issue a single
illegal order to shoot at the poor demonstrators. Moreover, he issued
orders to withdraw all police forces from the capital, and they complied. He
went to Kharkov to attend an event, and as soon as he left, instead of
releasing the occupied administrative buildings, they immediately occupied the
President’s residence and the Government building ~ all that instead of acting
on the agreement.
.
.
I
ask myself, what was the purpose of all this? I want to understand why this was
done. He had in fact given up his power already, and as I believe, as I told
him, he had no chance of being re-elected. Everybody agrees on this, everyone I
have been speaking to on the telephone these past few days.
What was the purpose of all those illegal, unconstitutional actions, why did they have to create this chaos in the country?
Armed
and masked militants are still roaming the streets of Kiev. This is a question
to which there is no answer. Did they wish to humiliate someone and show their
power? I think these actions are absolutely foolish. The result is the absolute
opposite of what they expected, because their actions have significantly
destabilized the east and southeast of Ukraine.
Now over to how this situation came about.
In
my opinion, this revolutionary situation has been brewing for a long time,
since the first days of Ukraine’s independence. The ordinary Ukrainian
citizen, the ordinary guy suffered during the rule of Nicholas II, during the
reign of Kuchma, and Yushchenko, and Yanukovych. Nothing or almost nothing has
changed for the better. Corruption has reached dimensions that are unheard of
here in Russia. Accumulation of wealth and social stratification ~ problems
that are also acute in this country ~ are much worse in Ukraine, radically
worse. Out there, they are beyond anything we can imagine. Generally, people
wanted change, but one should not support illegal change.
.
.
Only
constitutional means should be used on the post-Soviet space, where political
structures are still very fragile, and economies are still weak. Going beyond
the constitutional field would always be a cardinal mistake in such a
situation. Incidentally, I understand those people on Maidan, though I do
not support this kind of turnover.
.
.
I
understand the people on Maidan who are calling for radical change rather than
some cosmetic remodelling of power. Why are they demanding this? Because they
have grown used to seeing one set of thieves being replaced by another.
Moreover, the people in the regions do not even participate in forming their
own regional governments. There was a period in this country when the President
appointed regional leaders, but then the local legislative authorities had to
approve them, while in Ukraine they are appointed directly. We have now moved
on to elections, while they are nowhere near this. And they began appointing
all sorts of oligarchs and billionaires to govern the eastern regions of the
country.
No wonder the people do not accept this, no wonder they think that as a result of dishonest privatization (just as many people think here as well) people have become rich and now they also have been brought to power.
For
example, Mr Kolomoisky was appointed Governor of Dnepropetrovsk. This is a
unique crook. He even managed to cheat our oligarch Roman Abramovich two or
three years ago. Scammed him, as our intellectuals like to say. They
signed some deal, Abramovich transferred several billion dollars, while this
guy never delivered and pocketed the money. When I asked him [Abramovich]: “Why
did you do it?” he said: “I never thought this was possible.” I do not know, by
the way, if he ever got his money back and if the deal was closed. But
this really did happen a couple of years ago. And now this crook is appointed
Governor of Dnepropetrovsk. No wonder the people are dissatisfied. They were
dissatisfied and will remain so if those who refer to themselves as the
legitimate authorities continue in the same fashion.
Most importantly, people should have the right to determine their own future, that of their families and of their region, and to have equal participation in it. I would like to stress this: wherever a person lives, whatever part of the country, he or she should have the right to equal participation in determining the future of the country.
Are
the current authorities legitimate? The Parliament is partially, but all the
others are not.
.
.
The
current Acting President is definitely not legitimate.
.
There is only one legitimate President, from a legal standpoint. Clearly, he has no power. However, as I have already said, and will repeat: Yanukovych is the only undoubtedly legitimate President.
.
There is only one legitimate President, from a legal standpoint. Clearly, he has no power. However, as I have already said, and will repeat: Yanukovych is the only undoubtedly legitimate President.
.
There
are three ways of removing a President under Ukrainian law: one is his death,
the other is when he personally steps down, and the third is impeachment. The
latter is a well-deliberated constitutional norm. It has to involve the
Constitutional Court, the Supreme Court and the Rada. This is a complicated and
lengthy procedure. It was not carried out. Therefore, from a legal
perspective this is an undisputed fact.
.
.
Moreover,
I think this may be why they disbanded the Constitutional Court, which runs
counter to all legal norms of both Ukraine and Europe. They not only disbanded
the Constitutional Court in an illegitimate fashion, but they also ~ just think
about it ~ instructed the Prosecutor General’s Office to launch criminal
proceedings against members of the Constitutional Court.
.
.
What
is that all about? Is this what they call free justice? How can you instruct
anyone to start criminal proceedings? If a crime, a criminal offence, has been
committed, the law enforcement agencies see this and react. But instructing
them to file criminal charges is nonsense; it’s monkey business.
.
.
Now about
financial aid to Crimea. As you may know, we have decided to organise work in the
Russian regions to aid Crimea, which has turned to us for humanitarian support.
We will provide it, of course. I cannot say how much, when or how ~ the Government
is working on this, by bringing together the regions bordering on Crimea, by
providing additional support to our regions so they could help the people in
Crimea. We will do it, of course.
.
.
Regarding
the deployment of troops, the use of armed forces. So far, there is no need
for it, but the possibility remains. I would like to say here that the military
exercises we recently held had nothing to do with the events in Ukraine.
This was pre-planned, but we did not disclose these plans, naturally, because
this was a snap inspection of the forces’ combat readiness. We planned this a
long time ago, the Defence Minister reported to me and I had the order ready to
begin the exercise. As you may know, the exercises are over; I gave the order
for the troops to return to their regular dislocations yesterday.
.
.
What
can serve as a reason to use the Armed Forces? Such a measure would certainly
be the very last resort.
.
.
First, the
issue of legitimacy. As
you may know, we have a direct appeal from the incumbent and, as I said,
legitimate President of Ukraine, Mr Yanukovych, asking us to use the Armed
Forces to protect the lives, freedom and health of the citizens of Ukraine.
.
.
What
is our biggest concern? We see the rampage of reactionary forces, nationalist
and anti-Semitic forces going on in certain parts of Ukraine, including Kiev. I
am sure you, members of the media, saw how one of the governors was chained and
handcuffed to something and they poured water over him, in the cold of winter.
After that, by the way, he was locked up in a cellar and tortured. What is all
this about? Is this democracy? Is this some manifestation of democracy? He was
actually only recently appointed to this position, in December, I believe. Even
if we accept that they are all corrupt there, he had barely had time to steal
anything.
.
.
And
do you know what happened when they seized the Party of Regions building? There
were no party members there at all at the time. Some two-three employees came
out, one was an engineer, and he said to the attackers: “Could you let us go,
and let the women out, please. I’m an engineer; I have nothing to do with
politics.” He was shot right there in front of the crowd. Another employee was
led to a cellar and then they threw Molotov cocktails at him and burned him
alive. Is this also a manifestation of democracy?
.
.
When
we see this we understand what worries the citizens of Ukraine, both Russian
and Ukrainian, and the Russian-speaking population in the eastern and southern
regions of Ukraine. It is this uncontrolled crime that worries them. Therefore,
if we see such uncontrolled crime spreading to the eastern regions of the
country, and if the people ask us for help, while we already have the official
request from the legitimate President, we retain the right to use all available
means to protect those people. We believe this would be absolutely legitimate.
This is our last resort.
Moreover, here is what I would like to say: we have always considered Ukraine not only a neighbour, but also a brotherly neighbouring republic, and will continue to do so.Our Armed Forces are comrades in arms, friends, many of whom know each other personally. I am certain, and I stress, I am certain that the Ukrainian military and the Russian military will not be facing each other, they will be on the same side in a fight.
.
Incidentally,
the things I am talking about ~ this unity ~ is what is happening in Crimea.
You should note that, thank God, not a single gunshot has been fired there;
there are no casualties, except for that crush on the square about a week ago.
What was going on there? People came, surrounded units of the armed forces and
talked to them, convincing them to follow the demands and the will of the
people living in that area. There was not a single armed conflict, not a single
gunshot.
.
.
Thus
the tension in Crimea that was linked to the possibility of using our Armed
Forces simply died down and there was no need to use them. The only thing we
had to do, and we did it, was to enhance the defence of our military facilities
because they were constantly receiving threats and we were aware of the armed
nationalists moving in. We did this, it was the right thing to do and very
timely. Therefore, I proceed from the idea that we will not have to do anything
of the kind in eastern Ukraine.
.
.
There
is something I would like to stress, however. Obviously, what I am going to say
now is not within my authority and we do not intend to interfere. However, we
firmly believe that all citizens of Ukraine, I repeat, wherever they live,
should be given the same equal right to participate in the life of their
country and in determining its future.
If I were in the shoes of those who consider themselves the legitimate authorities, I would not waste time and go through all the necessary procedures, because they do not have a national mandate to conduct the domestic, foreign and economic policy of Ukraine, and especially to determine its future.
Now, the
stock market.
As you may know, the stock market was jumpy even before the situation in Ukraine
deteriorated. This is primarily linked to the policy of the US Federal Reserve,
whose recent decisions enhanced the attractiveness of investing in the US
economy and investors began moving their funds from the developing markets to
the American market. This is a general trend and it has nothing to do with
Ukraine. I believe it was India that suffered most, as well as the other BRICS states. Russia was hit as well, not
as hard as India, but it was. This is the fundamental reason.
.
.
As
for the events in Ukraine, politics always influence the stock market in one
way or another. Money likes quiet, stability and calm. However, I think this is
a tactical, temporary development and a temporary influence.
.
.
Your
questions, please.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, can you
tell us if you expected such a harsh reaction to Russia’s actions from your
western partners? Could you give us any details of your conversations with your
western partners? All we’ve heard was a report from the press service. And what
do you think about the G8 summit in Sochi ~ will it take place?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Regarding the expected
reaction, whether the G8 will meet and about the conversations. Our
conversations are confidential, some are even held over secure lines.
Therefore, I am not authorised to disclose what I discussed with my partners. I
will, however, refer to some public statements made by my colleagues from the
west; without giving any names, I will comment on them in a general sense.
What do we pay attention to? We are often told our actions are illegitimate, but when I ask, “Do you think everything you do is legitimate?” they say “yes”.
Then,
I have to recall the actions of the United States in Afghanistan, Iraq and
Libya, where they either acted without any UN sanctions or completely distorted
the content of such resolutions, as was the case with Libya. There, as you may
know, the resolution only spoke of closing the airspace for government
aircraft, while it all ended with bomb attacks and Special Forces land
operations.
Our partners, especially in the United Sates, always clearly formulate their own geopolitical and state interests and follow them with persistence. Then, using the principle “You’re either with us or against us” they draw the whole world in. And those who do not join in get ‘beaten’ until they do.
Our
approach is different. We proceed from the conviction that we always act
legitimately. I have personally always been an advocate of acting in compliance
with international law. I would like to stress yet again that if we do make the
decision, if I do decide to use the Armed Forces, this will be a legitimate
decision in full compliance with both general norms of international law, since
we have the appeal of the legitimate President, and with our commitments, which
in this case coincide with our interests to protect the people with whom we
have close historical, cultural and economic ties.
Protecting these people is in our national interests. This is a humanitarian mission. We do not intend to subjugate anyone or to dictate to anyone. However, we cannot remain indifferent if we see that they are being persecuted, destroyed and humiliated. However, I sincerely hope it never gets to that.
QUESTION: How do you assess the
reaction of the west to the events in Ukraine and their threats regarding
Russia: are we facing the possibility of sanctions or withdrawal from the G8?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Regarding sanctions. It is
primarily those who intend to apply them that need to consider their
consequences. I believe that in the modern world, where everything is
interconnected and interdependent, it is possible to cause damage to another
country, but this will be mutual damage and one should bear this in mind.
This is one thing.
.
.
The
second and the most important thing. I have already told you what motivates
us. And what motivates our partners? They supported an unconstitutional
armed take-over, declared these people legitimate and are trying to support
them. By the way, despite all of this we have been patient and even ready to
cooperate; we do not want to disrupt our cooperation. As you may know, a few
days ago I instructed the Government to consider how we can maintain contacts
even with those powers in Kiev that we do not consider legitimate in order to
retain our ties in the economy and industry. We think our actions have been
absolutely reasonable, while any threat against Russia is counterproductive and
harmful.
.
.
As
for the G8, I do not know. We will be ready to host the summit with our
colleagues. If they do not want to come ~ so be it.
.
.
QUESTION: Can I add about contacts?
The way I see it, you consider the Prime Minister of Crimea Mr Aksyonov to be a
legitimate representative of government authorities. Are you ready to have any
contacts with those who consider themselves the legitimate authorities in Kiev?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I have just spoken about
it. You must have missed it.
.
.
QUESTION: I mean, at the top level
for a political solution.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I do not have a partner
at the top level there. There is no president there, and there cannot be one
until the general elections.
.
.
As for Crimea, the
Parliament there was formed in 2010, in December 2010 if I remember correctly. There
are 100 MPs representing six political parties. After the previous Prime
Minister resigned, the Crimean Parliament, in compliance with the existing
legislation and procedures elected a new Prime Minister at a session of the
Crimean Supreme Council. He is definitely legitimate. They have complied
with all the procedures envisaged by the law; there is not a single violation.
.
.
However,
when a few days ago a group of armed men tried to occupy the building of the
Crimean Supreme Soviet, this caused the concern of the local residents.
It seemed as though someone wanted to apply the Kiev scenario in Crimea and to launch a series of terrorist attacks and cause chaos.
Naturally,
this causes grave concern among the local residents. That is why they set up
self-defence committees and took control over all the armed forces.
.
.
Incidentally,
I was studying the brief yesterday to see what they took over ~ it is like a
fortified zone. There are several dozen C-300 units, several dozen air-defence
missile systems, 22,000 service members and a lot more. However, as I
said, this is all in the hands of the people of Crimea and without a single
gunshot.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, a
clarification if I may. The people who were blocking the Ukrainian Army units
in Crimea were wearing uniforms that strongly resembled the Russian Army
uniform. Were those Russian soldiers, Russian military?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Why don’t you take a look
at the post-Soviet states? There are many uniforms there that are similar. You
can go to a store and buy any kind of uniform.
.
.
ED Noor: That was my first thought when watching the P*ssy Riot Sochi
video that was sold as brutality. The uniforms were as ludicrous as their publicity scheme was audacious.
.
.
QUESTION: But were they Russian
soldiers or not?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Those were local
self-defence units.
.
.
QUESTION: How well trained are
they? If we compare them to the self-defence units in Kiev…
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: My dear colleague, look
how well trained the people who operated in Kiev were. As we all know they were
trained at special bases in neighbouring states: in Lithuania, Poland and in
Ukraine itself too. They were trained by instructors for extended periods. They
were divided into dozens and hundreds, their actions were coordinated, they had
good communication systems. It was all like clockwork. Did you see them
in action? They looked very professional, like Special Forces. Why do you think
those in Crimea should be any worse?
.
.
QUESTION: In that case, can I
specify: did we take part in training Crimean self-defence forces?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: No, we did not.
.
.
QUESTION: How do you see the future
of Crimea? Do you consider the possibility of it joining Russia?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: No, we do not. Generally,
I believe that only residents of a given country who have the freedom of will
and are in complete safety can and should determine their future. If this right
was granted to the Albanians in Kosovo, if this was made possible in many
different parts of the world, then nobody has ruled out the right of nations to
self-determination, which, as far as I know, is fixed by several UN
documents. However, we will in no way provoke any such decision and will
not breed such sentiments.
I would like to stress that I believe only the people living in a given territory have the right to determine their own future.
QUESTION:
Two
questions. You said that sending troops into Ukraine is an extreme measure, but
you are nevertheless not ruling it out. Still, if Russian troops enter Ukraine,
it could start a war. Doesn’t that bother you?
.
.
And
a second question. You say that Yanukovych did not give the order to shoot
people. But somebody shot at the protestors. And clearly, these were snipers,
trained snipers.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
You know,
some people, including those who were recently among the protestors, have
expressed the opinion that these were provocateurs from one of the opposition
parties. Have you heard this?
.
.
.
REPLY: No, I have not heard this.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Look at these
materials ~ they are freely available. That is why it is very difficult to get
to the bottom of the situation. But you and I saw for ourselves when the
Berkut fighters stood there with their shields and were shot at ~ and those
were not air weapons that were used against them but assault weapons that
pierced their shields. That is something we saw for certain.
As for who gave the orders ~ that I do not know. I only know what Mr Yanukovych told me. And he told me that he did not give any orders, and moreover, he gave instructions ~ after signing a corresponding agreement ~ to even withdraw all militia units from the capital.
If
you want, I can tell you even more. He called me on the phone and I told him
not to do it. I said, “You will have anarchy, you will have chaos in the capital.
Think about the people.” But he did it anyway. And as soon as he did it, his
office was seized, and that of the government, and the chaos I had warned him
about and which continues to this day, erupted.
.
.
QUESTION:
What about
the first question? Are you concerned that a war could break out?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
I am not
concerned, because we do not plan and we will not fight with the Ukrainian
people.
.
.
QUESTION:
But there are
Ukrainian troops, there is the Ukrainian army.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
.
Listen carefully. I want you to understand me clearly: if we make that decision, it will only be to protect Ukrainian citizens.And let’s see those troops try to shoot their own people, with us behind them ~ not in the front, but behind. Let them just try to shoot at women and children! I would like to see those who would give that order in Ukraine.
.
QUESTION: Can I ask a question, Mr
President? Our colleagues, my colleagues, who are currently working in Ukraine,
are saying practically every day that the situation for the Berkut fighters is
only getting worse (perhaps with the exception of Crimea). In particular, in
Kiev, there are injured Berkut officers who are in hospitals now, where nobody
is treating them and they are not even getting fed. And their families,
including elderly family members, they simply cannot leave the house, because
they are not being allowed; there are barricades all around, they are being
humiliated. Can you comment on this? And can Russia help these families and
colleagues?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Yes, this
issue is of great concern to us. After all, these are not Russia’s Interior
Ministry officers, and we were not managing the situation there. But out of
humanitarian considerations, it would be good if our human rights organizations
got involved in this as well; we might ask Vladimir Lukin, either alone or
together with his colleagues, representatives from France, Germany and Poland,
with whom he participated in developing the well-known document of February 21,
2014, to go on location and see what is happening there with these Berkut
officers, who have not broken any laws and acted in accordance with their
orders.
.
.
They
are military service members, they stood there facing bullets, they were doused
with fire and had Molotov cocktails thrown at them. They have been wounded and
injured and are now in a hospital. It is even hard to imagine ~ even prisoners
of war are being fed and treated. But they not only stopped treating them, they
even stopped feeding them. And they have surrounded the building where these
fighters’ families live and are bullying them. I think that human rights organizations must pay attention to this. And we, for our part, are ready to
provide them with medical care here in Russia.
.
.
QUESTION:
Mr President,
getting back to the West’s reaction. Following the US Secretary of State’s
harsh statement, the Federation Council suggested that we recall our ambassador
to the United States. Do you support this idea?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
The US
Secretary of State is certainly an important person, but he is not the ultimate
authority that determines the United States’ foreign policy. We hear statements
from various politicians and representatives of various political forces. This
would be an extreme measure. If necessary, it will be used. But I really don’t
want to use it, because I think Russia is not the only one interested in
cooperation with its partners on an international level and in such areas as
economy, politics and foreign security; our partners are just as interested in
this cooperation. It is very easy to destroy these instruments of cooperation
and it would be very difficult to rebuild them.
.
.
QUESTION:
Russia got
involved in Yanukovych’s fate. How do you see his future role and his future
destiny?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
You know, it
is very hard for me to say; I have not analysed it carefully. I think he has no
political future, and I have told him so. As for “getting involved in his fate”
~ we did this on purely humanitarian grounds. Death is the easiest way for
getting rid of a legitimate president, and I think that is what would have
happened. I think they would have simply killed him. Incidentally, the question
arises: what for?
After all, look at how it all began, what triggered these events. The formal reason was that he did not sign the European Union Association Agreement.
Today,
this seems like nonsense; it is ridiculous to even talk about. But I want to
point out that he did not refuse to sign the association agreement. He said:
“We have carefully analyzed it, and its content does not correspond with our national interests. We cannot sharply increase energy prices for our people, because our people are already in a rather difficult position. We cannot do this, and that, and that. We cannot immediately break our economic ties with Russia, because our cooperation is very extensive.”
I
have already presented these figures: out of approximately 14 billion [dollars]
in export, approximately 5 billion represents second and third technological
processing level products exported to Russia. In other words, just about
all engineering products are exported to Russia; the West is not buying any
Ukrainian products. And to take all this and break it apart, to introduce
European technical standards in the Ukrainian economy, which, thankfully or
unfortunately, we are not using at the moment.
We
will adopt those standards at some point, but currently, we do not have those
standards in Russia. This means the next day, our relations and cooperation
ties will be broken, enterprises will come to a standstill and unemployment
will increase. And what did Yanukovych say?
He said, “I cannot do this so suddenly, let’s discuss this further.” He did not refuse to sign it, he asked for a chance to discuss this document some more, and then all this craziness began.
And
why? Did he do something outside the scope of his authority? He acted
absolutely within the scope of his authority; he did not infringe on anything.
.
.
It
was simply an excuse to support the forces opposing him in a fight for power.
Overall, this is nothing special. But did it really need to be taken to this
level of anarchy, to an unconstitutional overthrow and armed seizure of
power, subsequently plunging the nation into the chaos where it finds itself
today?
.
.
I
think this is unacceptable. And it is not the first time our Western partners
are doing this in Ukraine. I sometimes get the feeling that somewhere across
that huge puddle, in America people sit in a lab and conduct experiments, as if
with rats, without actually understanding the consequences of what they are
doing. Why did they need to do this? Who can explain this? There is no
explanation at all for it.
.
.
The
same thing happened during the first Maidan uprising, when Yanukovych was
blocked from power. Why did we need that third round of elections? In other
words, it was turned into a farce ~ Ukraine’s political life was turned into a
farce. There was no compliance with the Constitution at all.
You see, we are now teaching people that if one person can violate any law, anyone else can do the same, and that’s what causes chaos. That is the danger.
Instead,
we need to teach our society to follow other traditions: traditions of
respecting the main law of the nation, the Constitution, and all other laws. Of
course, we will not always succeed, but I think acting like this ~ like a bull
in a china shop is counterproductive and very dangerous.
.
.
Please.
/
/
QUESTION:
Mr President,
Turchynov is illegitimate, from your point of view.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
As President,
yes.
.
.
QUESTION:
But the Rada
is partially legitimate.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Yes.
.
.
QUESTION:
Are Yatsenyuk
and the Cabinet legitimate? And if Russia is concerned about the growing
strength of radical elements, they grow stronger every time they find
themselves facing a hypothetical enemy, which in their view they currently
consider Russia and Russia’s position of being ready to send in troops.
Question: does it make sense and is it possible to hold talks with moderate
forces in the Ukrainian government, with Yatsenyuk, and is he legitimate?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Listen, it seems
like you didn’t hear what I have said. I already said that three days ago, I
gave instructions to the Government to renew contacts at the government level
with their colleagues in the corresponding ministries and departments in
Ukraine, in order not to disrupt economic ties, to support them in their
attempts to reconstruct the economy. Those were my direct instructions to the
Russian Government. Moreover, Mr Medvedev is in contact with [Arseniy]
Yatsenyuk. And I know that Sergei Naryshkin, as speaker of the Russian
parliament, is in contact with [Oleksandr] Turchynov. But, I repeat, all our
trade and economic and other ties, our humanitarian ties, can be developed in
full only after the situation is normalised and presidential elections are
held.
.
.
QUESTION:
Gazprom has
already said that it is reverting to its old gas prices beginning in
April.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Gazprom could
not have said that; you were not listening carefully or it did not express
itself clearly. Gazprom is not reverting to the old prices. It simply
does not want to extend the current discounts, which it had agreed to apply or
not apply on a quarterly basis. Even before all these events, even before they
hit the crisis point. I know about the negotiations between Gazprom and its
partners. Gazprom and the Government of the Russian Federation agreed that
Gazprom would introduce a discount by reducing gas prices to $268.50 per 1,000
cubic metres. The Government of Russia provides the first tranche of the loan,
which is formally not a loan but a bond purchase ~ a quasi-loan, $3 billion
dollars in the first stage. And the Ukrainian side undertakes to fully repay
its debt that arose in the second half of last year and to make regular
payments for what they are consuming ~ for the gas. The debt has not been
repaid, regular payments are not being made in full.
.
.
Moreover,
if the Ukrainian partners fail to make the February payment, the debt will grow
even bigger. Today it is around $1.5-1.6 billion. And if they do not fully pay
for February, it will be nearly $2 billion. Naturally, in these circumstances,
Gazprom says, “Listen guys, since you don’t pay us anyway, and we are only
seeing an increase in your debt, let’s lock into the regular price, which is
still reduced.” This is a purely commercial component of Gazprom’s activities,
which plans for revenues and expenditures in its investment plans like any
other major company.
.
.
If
they do not receive the money from their Ukrainian partners on time, then they
are undercutting their own investment programmes; this is a real problem for
them. And incidentally, this does not have to do with the events in Ukraine or
any politics. There was an agreement: “We give you money and reduced gas rates,
and you give us regular payments.” They gave them money and reduced gas rates,
but the payments are not being made. So naturally, Gazprom says, “Guys, that
won’t work.”
.
.
QUESTION:
Mr President,
[German Federal Chancellor] Merkel’s Press Service said after your telephone
conversation that you had agreed to send an international fact-finding mission
to Ukraine and set up a contact group.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
I said that
we have people who have the training and skills needed to be able to examine
this issue and discuss it with our German colleagues. This is all possible. I
gave the instruction accordingly to our Foreign Minister, who was to or will
meet with the German Foreign Minister, Mr Steinmeier, yesterday or today to
discuss this matter.
.
.
QUESTION: All eyes are on Crimea at
the moment of course, but we see what is happening in other parts of Ukraine
too, in the east and south. We see what is happening in Kharkov, Donetsk,
Lugansk and Odessa. People are raising the Russian flag over government
buildings and appealing to Russia for aid and support. Will Russia respond to
these events?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Do you think
we have not made any response? I think we’ve just spent the last hour
discussing this response. In some cases though, the developments taking place
are unexpected in my view. I will not go into the specific details of what I am
referring to here, but the reaction that we are seeing from people is
understandable, in principle. Did our partners in the West and those who call
themselves the government in Kiev now not foresee that events would take this
turn?
.
.
I
said to them over and over: Why are you whipping the country into a frenzy like
this?
What
are you doing? But they keep on pushing forward. Of course people in the
eastern part of the country realise that they have been left out of the
decision-making process.
.
.
Essentially,
what is needed now is to adopt a new constitution and put it to a referendum so
that all of Ukraine’s citizens can take part in the process and influence the
choice of basic principles that will form the foundations of their country’s
government. But this is not our affair of course. This is something for the
Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian authorities to decided one way or another.
.
.
I
think that once a legitimate government is in place and a new president and
parliament are elected, which is what is planned, this will probably go ahead.
If I were them, I would return to the matter of adopting a constitution and, as
I said, putting it to a referendum so that everyone can have their say on it,
cast their vote, and then everyone will have to respect it.
.
.
If
people feel they are left out of this process, they will never agree with it
and will keep on fighting it. Who needs this kind of thing? But as I said, this
is all not our affair.
.
.
QUESTION: Will Russia recognize the
planned presidential election that will take place in Ukraine?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Let’s see how it goes. If
it is accompanied by the same kind of terror that we are seeing now in Kiev, we
will not recognize it.
.
.
QUESTION:
I want to
come back to the West’s reaction. As all this tough talk continues, we have the
Paralympics opening in a few days’ time in Sochi. Are these Games at risk of
ending up on the brink of disruption, at least as far as international media
coverage goes?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I don’t know, I think it
would be the height of cynicism to put the Paralympics at risk. We all know
that this is an international sports event at which people with disabilities
can show their capabilities, prove to themselves and the entire world that they
are not people with limitations, but on the contrary, people with unlimited
possibilities, and demonstrate their achievements in sport. If there are people
ready to try to disrupt this event, it would show that these are people for
whom there really is nothing sacred.
.
.
QUESTION: I want to ask about the
hypothetical possibility of using the military. People in the West have said
that if Russia makes such a decision, it would violate the Budapest Memorandum,
under which the United States and some NATO partners consecrated territorial
integrity of Ukraine in exchange for its promise to give up nuclear weapons. If
developments take this turn, could global players intervene in this local
conflict and turn it into a global conflict? Have you taken these risks into
account?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Before making public
statements, and all the more so before taking practical steps, we give issues
due thought and attention and try to foresee the consequences and reactions
that the various potential players could have.
.
.
As
for the Memorandum that you mentioned, you said you are from Reuters, is that
right?
.
.
RESPONSE: Yes.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: How do the public and
political circles in your country view these events that have taken place? It
is clear after all that this was an armed seizure of power. That is a clear and
evident fact. And it is clear too that this goes against the Constitution. That
is also a clear fact, is it not?
.
.
RESPONSE:
I live in
Russia.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Good on you!
You should join the diplomatic service; you’d make a good diplomat. Diplomats’
tongues, as we know, are there to hide their thoughts.
So, we say that what we are seeing is an anti-constitutional coup, and we get told, no, it isn’t.
You
have probably heard plenty of times now that this was not an
anti-constitutional coup and not an armed seizure of power, but a revolution.
Have you heard this?
.
.
RESPONSE: Yes.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Yes, but if
this is revolution, what does this mean? In such a case it is hard not to agree
with some of our experts who say that a new state is now emerging in this territory.
This is just like what happened when the Russian Empire collapsed after the
1917 revolution and a new state emerged. And this would be a new state with
which we have signed no binding agreements.
.
.
QUESTION: I want to clarify a
point. You said that if the USA imposes sanctions, this would deal a blow to
both economies. Does this imply that Russia might impose counter-sanctions of
its own, and if so, would they be a symmetrical response?
.
.
You
spoke about gas discounts too. But there was also the agreement to buy $15
billion worth of Ukrainian bonds. Ukraine received the first tranche at the end
of last year. Has payment of the remaining money been suspended? If Russia
provides aid, on what specific economic and political terms will this be done?
And what political and economic risks are you taking into consideration in this
case?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: To answer your question,
we are in principle ready to look at taking the steps needed to make the other
tranches available with regard to the purchase of bonds. But our Western
partners have asked us not to do this. They have asked us to work together
through the IMF to encourage the Ukrainian authorities to carry out the reforms
needed to bring about recovery in the Ukrainian economy. We will continue
working in this direction. But given that Naftogaz of Ukraine is not paying
Gazprom now, the Government is considering various options.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, is the
dynamic of events in Ukraine changing for the better or for the worse?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Overall, I think it is
gradually starting to level out. We absolutely must send the signal to people
in Ukraine’s southeast that they can feel safe, and know that they will be able
to take part in the general political process of stabilising the
country.
.
.
QUESTION: You have made several
mentions now of future legitimate elections in Ukraine. Who do you see as
compromise candidate? Of course you will say that this for the Ukrainian people
to decide, but I ask you all the same.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: To be honest, I really
don’t know.
.
.
RESPONSE: It seems that the people
also don’t know, because no matter who you talk to, everyone seems to be at a
loss.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I really can’t say. You
know, it’s hard to make predictions after events of this kind. I have already
said that I do not agree with this method of taking power and removing the
incumbent authorities and president, and I strongly oppose this kind of method
in Ukraine and in the post-Soviet area in general. I oppose this because this
kind of method does not inculcate legal culture, respect for the law. If one
person can get away with doing this, it means that everyone is allowed to try,
and this only means chaos.
.
.
You
have to understand that this kind of chaos is the worst possible thing for
countries with a shaky economy and unstable political system. In this kind of
situation you never know what kind of people events will bring to the fore.
Just recall, for example, the role that [Ernst] Roehm’s storm troopers played
during Hitler’s rise to power. Later, these storm troopers were liquidated, but
they played their part in bringing Hitler to power. Events can take all kinds
of unexpected turns.
.
.
Let
me say again that in situations when people call for fundamental political
reform and new faces at the top, and with full justification too ~ and in this
I agree with the Maidan ~ there is a risk too that you’ll suddenly get some
upstart nationalist or semi-fascist lot sprout up, like the genie suddenly let
out of the bottle ~ and we see them today, people wearing armbands with
something resembling swastikas, still roaming around Kiev at this moment ~ or
some anti-Semite or other. This danger is there too.
.
.
QUESTION: Just today, incidentally,
the Ukrainian envoy to the UN said that the crimes committed by Bandera’s
followers were falsified by the Soviet Union. With May 9 coming closer, we can
see now who is in power there today. Should we even have any contacts with them
at all?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: We need to have contact
with everyone except for obvious criminals, but as I said, in this kind of
situation, there is always the risk that events of this kind will bring people
with extreme views to the fore, and this of course has serious consequences for
the country.
.
.
QUESTION: You said that we should
make contact with everyone. Yulia Tymoshenko was planning it seems, to come to
Moscow.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: As you know, we always
worked quite productively with all of the different Ukrainian governments, no
matter what their political colour. We worked with Leonid Kuchma, and with
[Viktor] Yushchenko. When I was Prime Minister, I worked with Tymoshenko. I
visited her in Ukraine and she came here to Russia. We had to deal with all
kinds of different situations in our work to manage our countries’ economies.
We had our differences, but we also reached agreements. Overall it was
constructive work. If she wants to come to Russia, let her come. It’s another
matter that she is no longer prime minister now. In what capacity will she come? But I personally have no intention
of stopping her from coming to Russia.
.
.
QUESTION: Just a brief question:
who do you think is behind this coup, as you called it, in Ukraine?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: As I said before, I
think this was a well-prepared action. Of course there were combat detachments.
They are still there, and we all saw how efficiently they worked. Their Western
instructors tried hard of course. But this is not the real problem. If the
Ukrainian government had been strong, confident, and had built a stable system,
no nationalists would have been able to carry out those programs and achieve
the results that we see now.
.
.
The
real problem is that none of the previous Ukrainian governments gave proper
attention to people’s needs. Here in Russia we have many problems, and many of
them are similar to those in Ukraine, but they are not as serious as in
Ukraine. Average per capita [monthly] income in Russia, for example, is 29,700
rubles, but in Ukraine, if we convert it into rubles, it is 11,900 rubles, I
think ~ almost three times lower than in Russia. The average pension in Russia
is 10,700 rubles, but in Ukraine it is 5,500 rubles ~ twice lower than in
Russia. Great Patriotic War veterans in Russia receive almost as much as the
average worker each month.
.
.
In
other words, there is a substantial difference in living standards. This was
what the various governments should have been focusing on right from the start.
Of course they needed to fight crime, nepotism, clans and so on, especially in
the economy. People see what is going on, and this creates lack of confidence
in the authorities.
.
.
This
has continued as several generations of modern Ukrainian politicians have come
and gone, and the ultimate result is that people are disappointed and want to
see a new system and new people in power. This was the main source of fuel for
the events that took place. But let me say again: a change of power, judging by
the whole situation, was probably necessary in Ukraine, but it should have
taken place only through legitimate means, in respect for and not in violation
of the current Constitution.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, if Crimea
holds a referendum and the people there vote to secede from Ukraine, that is,
if the majority of the region’s residents vote for secession would you support
it?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: You can never use the
conditional mood in politics. I will stick to that rule.
.
.
QUESTION:
Is Yanukovych
even still alive? There have been rumours that he died.
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I have seen him once
since he arrived in Russia. That was just two days ago. He was alive and well
and wishes you the same. He’ll still have a chance of catching a cold at the
funeral of those who are spreading these rumours of his demise.
.
.
QUESTION: Mr President, what
mistakes do you think Yanukovych made over these last months as the situation
intensified in Ukraine?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: I would rather not answer
this question, not because I do not have an opinion to express, but because I
do not think it would be proper on my part. You have to understand, after all…
.
.
QUESTION: Do you sympathise with
him?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: No, I have completely
different feelings. Anyone in this office bears an enormous responsibility on
their shoulders as head of state, and they have rights and also obligations.
But the biggest obligation of all is to carry out the will of the people who
have entrusted you with the country, acting within the law. And so we need to
analyse, did he do everything that the law and the voters’ mandate empowered
him to do? You can analyse this yourselves and draw your own conclusions.
.
.
QUESTION: But what feelings do you
have for him? You said “not sympathy, but other feelings”. What feelings
exactly?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
Let’s talk
later.
.
.
QUESTION:
You said just
two questions back that we must above all send a clear signal to people in the
south and southeast of Ukraine. The southeast, that’s understandable, but…
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN:
We need to
make our position clear to everyone, really. We
need to be heard by all of Ukraine’s people. We have no enemies in Ukraine. Let
me say again that Ukraine is a friendly country. Do you know how many people
came from Ukraine to Russia last year? 3.3 million came, and of that number
almost 3 million people came to Russia for work. These people are working here ~
around 3 million people. Do you know how much money they send back home to
Ukraine to support their families? Count up the average wage of 3 million
people. This comes to billions of dollars and makes a big contribution to
Ukraine’s GDP. This is no joking matter. We welcome all of them, and among the
people coming here to work are also many from western Ukraine. They are all
equal in our eyes, all brothers to us.
.
.
QUESTION: This is just what I
wanted to ask about. We are hearing above all about the southeast of Ukraine at
the moment, which is understandable, but there are ethnic Russians and
Russian-speaking people living in western Ukraine too, and their situation is
probably even worse. They probably cannot raise their heads at all and are a
downtrodden minority there. What can Russia do to help them?
.
.
VLADIMIR PUTIN: Our position is that if
the people who call themselves the government now hope to be considered a
civilised government, they must ensure the safety of all of their citizens, no
matter in which part of the country, and we of course will follow this
situation closely.
.
.
Thank
you.
Check out this Open Letter ; http://www.dailystormer.com/alexander-dugin-letter-to-the-american-people-on-ukraine/
ReplyDeleteAlso check out my latest video on the International Jewish Gangsters , it's at the bottom of this page ; http://notimeforsilence.wordpress.com/the-eternal-jew/